I. The Prevalence of Poetry in the Old Testament

In the Bible "there is poetry which has called forth the wonder and admiration of the world. In glowing beauty, in sublime and solemn majesty, in touching pathos, it is unequaled by the most brilliant productions of human genius" (CT 429). "The earliest as well as the most sublime of poetic utterances known to man are found in the Scriptures" (Ed 159). There are no songs like the songs of Zion.

About 40 per cent of the Old Testament is poetry. To the average reader of the KJV and many of the other English versions, this is a startling discovery. He is accustomed to seeing poetry printed in the form of measured lines and stanzas, containing usually a pronounced regular rhythm and rhyme, whereas most of the common versions make little if any typographical distinction between verse and prose. It has been left to certain of the revisers to present the poetry of the Bible in the typographical form of verse.

Most of the Bible poetry appears in the Old Testament: in snatches in the historical books, in passages interwoven with the prose portions of the prophets, and in six books which are poetic as a whole or in great part. Poetry appears in the New Testament only in a few scattered instances, and then chiefly in quotations from the Old Testament.

The importance of poetry and music among the Hebrews is attested by the fact that the Hebrew language has a number of synonyms for the word "song." Among the chief subjects of study in the ancient schools of the prophets, sacred poetry and sacred music held honored places (Ed 47; PP 593).

In the Historical Books. Throughout the historical books of the Old Testament there are instances of poetry employed to illustrate the story, and to lend vividness to the narrative. One of the unique features of Biblical literature consists in the appearance side by side of prose narrative and poetic celebration of the historic event.

For example, immediately following the graphic account of the children of Israel crossing the Red Sea appears the lyric celebration of the overthrow of the Egyptians and the deliverance of Israel, The Song of Moses and Miriam (see Ex. 14, 15 .) This ode is among the oldest victory songs. Following the prose narrative of the defeat of Sisera, captain of the armies of the Canaanite king Jabin, at the hands of the Israelites under the leadership of Deborah and Barak, appears the battle ode usually referred to as The Song of Deborah and Barak (see Judges 4, 5). This poem has been called "the greatest war-song of any age or nation." Following the story of the death of Jonathan and Saul at the hands of the Philistines, appears David's touching Lament (see 1 Sam. 31; 2 Sam. 1). In refinement of taste, in delicacy and perfection of structure, few elegies in world literature rank with this exquisite bit of elegiac poetry.

Instances of poetry appear in all the books of the Pentateuch save Leviticus. There are six in Genesis: The Song of Lamech, 4:23, 24; Noah's Curse on Canaan and Blessing on Japheth, 9:25-27; God's Prophecy to Rebekah, 25:23; Isaac's Blessing of Jacob, 27:27-29; Isaac's Blessing of Esau, 27:39, 40; Jacob's Blessing of His Sons, 49:2-27. The single instance of poetry in Exodus is the superb Song of Moses and Miriam, 15:1-18, 21. Numbers has the following instances: The Aaronic Blessing, 6:24-26; Formulas for Taking Up and Setting Down the Ark, 10:35, 36; Song of the Valley, 21:14, 15; Well Song, 21:17, 18; The Fall of Heshbon, 21:27-30; The Oracles of Balaam, 23:7-10, 18-24; 24:3-9, 15-24. Deuteronomy presents The Curses, 27:15-26; The Song of Moses, 32:1-43; and Moses' Blessing of the Twelve Tribes, 33:2-29.

The sole instance of verse in Joshua is Joshua's Command to the Sun and Moon, 10:12, 13. Judges has The Song of Deborah and Barak, 5:1-31; and Samson's riddles, 14:14, 18; 15:16. Ruth includes Ruth's Covenant with Naomi, 1:16, 17. 1 Samuel has Hannah's Thanksgiving, 2:1-10; and snatches from popular songs in praise of David, 18:7; 21:11. 2 Samuel has David's Lament, 1:19-27; David's Elegy on the Death of Abner, 3:33, 34; David's Song of Victory, 22:2-51 (see Ps. 18); and The Last Words of David, 23:1-7. In 1 Chronicles appears David's Anthem for the Induction of the Ark, 16:8-36. In 2 Chronicles there are poetic refrains in 5:13; 6:1, 2; 7:3; 20:21; and the closing ascription of Solomon's Prayer, 6:41, 42.

In the Prophets. The prophetic books of the Old Testament present a unique contribution to the literature of the world in their fusion of prose and poetry in a continuous sequence. In these books prophetic history, oratorical discourse, and poetic celebration are intermingled. The prophet writes the words of divine prophecy; he speaks in the impassioned periods and balanced sentences of sublime oratory, rebuking, entreating, denouncing, consoling his wayward people; and he weaves into the inspired literary product the strains of lyric poetry--the whole forming a literary type wholly unknown in the other literatures of the world.

The first 39 chapters of Isaiah consist of mingled passages of prose and poetry; but chapters 40-66 of the prophecy are almost entirely poetry. Chapters 1-31 and 46-51 of Jeremiah present an intermingling of prose and poetry. There are a few instances of poetry in Ezekiel and Daniel. Most of the so-called minor prophets likewise consist in whole or in part of poetry. Only Haggai and Malachi are exclusively prose. The passionate and often vehement eloquence of the prophets finds expression in the lofty cadences of lyric poetry.

In Books of Poetry. Five books of the Old Testament may be regarded as books of poetry, inasmuch as they consist wholly or chiefly of literature in the form of verse. They are Psalms, Proverbs, Lamentations, the Song of Solomon, and Job. Psalms, Lamentations, and the Song of Solomon are pure poetry. Job is chiefly poetry--only its prologue and epilogue are in the form of prose. Proverbs is practical philosophy in the form of poetry. In addition to these, Ecclesiastes has a substantial portion of beautiful poetry.

II. The Poetic Books of the Old Testament

Psalms. The psalms are the quintessence of lyric poetry. In their depth of emotion and height of aspiration, in their complete revealing of the inmost thoughts and questionings of the human soul, in the beauty and delicacy, and sometimes strength and majesty, of their expression, they are unrivaled by the loftiest expressions of merely human lyric poetry. For what other poetry can rise to the heights of poetry that has for its theme the soul's search for the eternal God? As the spiritual and the eternal transcends the natural and the ephemeral, so the poetry of Psalms rises above the greatest of the world's lyric treasures.

Proverbs. The characteristic literary form of the Proverbs is the mashal, or unit proverb, a simple couplet of two parallel lines expressing with extreme compression of language an axiomatic, self-evident truth. The prevailing form is that of antithetic, or contrasting, parallelism, for example:

"In the multitude of words there wanteth not sin:

but he that refraineth his lips is wise" (Prov. 10:19).But there are also numerous instances of synonymous parallelism, for example:

"The heart of the prudent getteth knowledge;

and the ear of the wise seeketh knowledge" (Prov. 18:15);and of synthetic parallelism, for example:

"Hear counsel, and receive instruction,

that thou mayest be wise in thy latter end" (Prov. 19:20).

This unit proverb is the literary mold for all the subject matter of chs. 10:22 to 16:33; it is also found irregularly throughout the book.

Often the wisdom of Proverbs takes the form of monologues (see 1:20-33; 7:1 to 8:36); of sonnetlike poems (see 4:10-19; 9:1-18; 24:30-34); of epigrams (see 23:19-21, 26-28, 29-35); and one superb acrostic, or alphabetic, poem that closes the book: the poem The Virtuous Woman (31:10-31). This consists of 22 verses, each verse beginning with a letter of the Hebrew alphabet in the regular order of that alphabet.

Thus, in a variety of forms, Proverbs attains its object: to inspire reverence for God, to exalt wisdom, and to instruct in practical virtues.

Lamentations. In the Hebrew the book of Lamentations exhibits a unique poetic structure: its metrical system is that of the qinah rhythm, and its general form is acrostic, or alphabetic. In the qinah rhythm each line has five beats, three in the first half and two in the second half, giving the effect of a long crescendo followed by a shorter decrescendo, as if grief rises to its height and then spends itself more quickly. Moreover, the whole poem is an extended example of qinah rhythm, in that the dirge mounts to its height in chapter 3 and more quickly descends to its base level at the end of chapter 5.

The acrostic form of the Lamentations is intricate. The first chapter consists of 22 triplet verses, each verse beginning with initial letters in the regular order of the Hebrew alphabet. The second chapter follows the same pattern, with a slight variation in the order of the alphabet. The third chapter gives acrostic letters to each line of each triplet as a sort of climax to the poem. The fourth chapter changes to couplets of the qinah rhythm, with acrostic letters only at the beginning of each couplet. The fifth chapter drops both acrostic structure and qinah rhythm, as if the usual literary forms were no longer adequate to express the writer's grief. The poem is a model of artistic structure.

The Song of Solomon. The Song of Songs is the only book in the Bible consisting wholly of poetry in the form of dialogue. It is a lovely example of the Oriental pastoral. The graphic images occurring in rapid succession throughout the book are characteristic of this type of poetry. The Western mind has difficulty in understanding and appreciating the frankness of this imagery. A realization of the figurative nature of the language of this type of poetry will be of help in understanding the message of the book.

Job. Undoubtedly the most artistic product of the Hebrew literary genius is the book of Job. The theme of Job is the age-old problem of human suffering: In a world created and sustained by a just and good God, why should a good man suffer? In a narrative framework of epic proportions, a dramatic dialogue attempts to solve the problem. A debate is carried on in three cycles, Job and his friends alternating in the discussion; but the last cycle is left unfinished--the argument has run out. A young man steps in as if to give the final and ultimate solution to the problem, but God Himself interposes.

The book of Job is remarkable in loftiness of theme and scope of treatment; in the beauty and variety of its descriptions of nature and the extent of its scenic effects in earth and heaven; and in its consciousness of the presence of God in human experience and its profound insight into the nature of redemption and the reality of a Redeemer.

Ecclesiastes. The book of Ecclesiastes, or, The Preacher, is the work of Solomon, "the greatest, richest, and wisest king" of all ages (9T 281). The book was written in his later life, when, after years spent in trying to find satisfaction in the pleasures of this world, he realized the wickedness of his course and returned to God, the Source of his wisdom. "And now, having learned through sad experience the folly of such a life, his yearning desire was to save others from entering into the bitter experience through which he had passed" (PK 80).

While most of the subject matter of Ecclesiastes is in the form of prose, there are noble passages of poetry throughout the book, culminating in the poem Remember Now Thy Creator (12:1-8), which is an extended example of the use of Oriental figures of speech.

For a fuller discussion of these five books see the Introduction to each.

III. Characteristics of Biblical Poetry

God-consciousness. The poetry of the Old Testament is characterized by an intense awareness of the reality of God. It teems with a sense of His presence. It is essentially religious. In David's Lament for Saul and Jonathan his love for Jonathan is subordinated to his horror at the shocking irreverence of taking the life of God's anointed king. In The Song of Deborah and Barak vengeance upon the enemy is subordinated to confidence in God. In Hebrew poetry God is everywhere present.

Love of Nature. The poetry of the Old Testament abounds in love of nature. It glows with scenic effects of surpassing beauty. But to the Hebrew poet, the beauty or majesty of nature is never an end in itself. Love of nature leads beyond nature to her Creator and inspires the poet with a more intense devotion to God. "Fire, and hail; snow, and vapours; stormy wind" may come, but they come "fulfilling his word" (Ps. 148:8).

In the Psalm of the Thunderstorm (Ps. 29), the poet is stirred not so much by the physical demonstration of the phenomena of nature as by the power and glory and goodness of God revealed in the storm: "in his temple doth every one speak of his glory. The Lord sitteth King upon the flood" (vs. 9, 10). Likewise, the activities of wild creatures at night turn the psalmist's thoughts to the One who created them:

"He appointed the moon for seasons:

the sun knoweth his going down.

Thou makest darkness, and it is night:

wherein all the beasts of the forest do creep forth.

The young lions roar after their prey,

and seek their meat from God.

The sun ariseth, they gather themselves together,

and lay them down in their dens. ...

O Lord, how manifold are thy works

in wisdom hast thou made them all:

the earth is full of thy riches" (Ps. 104:19-24).

Universal Qualities. In general, the poetry of the Old Testament avoids the abstract, tends to shun extended argument, and abounds in ideas that are common to the human race. It is essentially concrete. And it is sententious, compressing much in little. The most profound ethical truths are couched in the simplest proverbs. That is why it is so quotable. And it is rich in figures of speech, in similes, and metaphors, and personifications that lend freshness and vigor to its ideas, and make them clear to men of all classes in all nations through all ages.

Beauty in Nature. As instances of beauty in the poetic treatment of nature note the following examples:

The coming of spring.

"For, lo, the winter is past,

the rain is over and gone;

The flowers appear on the earth;

the time of the singing of birds is come,

and the voice of the turtle [dove]

is heard in our land;

The fig tree putteth forth her green figs,

and the vines with the tender grape

give a good smell.

Arise, my love, my fair one,

and come away" (S. of Sol. 2:11-13).

The war horse.

"Hast thou given the horse strength?

hast thou clothed his neck with thunder?

Canst thou make him afraid as a grasshopper?

the glory of his nostrils is terrible.

He paweth in the valley, and rejoiceth in his strength:

he goeth on to meet the armed men.

He mocketh at fear, and is not affrighted;

neither turneth he back from the sword.

The quiver rattleth against him,

the glittering spear and the shield.

He swalloweth the ground with fierceness and rage:

neither believeth he that it is the sound of the trumpet.

He saith among the trumpets, Ha, ha;

and he smelleth the battle afar off,

the thunder of the captains, and the shouting" (Job 39:19-25).

Beauty in Human Nature. As examples of the poetic treatment of human nature, note the following:

Filial devotion.

"Intreat me not to leave thee,

or to return from following after thee:

for whither thou goest, I will go;

and where thou lodgest, I will lodge:

thy people shall be my people,

and thy God my God.

Where thou diest, will I die,

and there will I be buried:

the Lord do so to me, and more also,

if ought but death part thee and me" (Ruth 1:16, 17).

Distress on a stormy sea.

"For he commandeth, and raiseth the stormy wind,

which lifteth up the waves thereof.

They mount up to the heaven, they go down again to the depths:

their soul is melted because of trouble.

They reel to and fro, and stagger like a drunken man,

and are at their wit's end" (Ps. 107:25-27).

The love of man and maid.

"As the apple tree among the trees of the wood,

so is my beloved among the sons.

I sat down under his shadow with great delight,

and his fruit was sweet to my taste.

He brought me to the banqueting house,

and his banner over me was love" (S. of Sol. 2:3, 4).

Ardent patriotism.

"If I forget thee, O Jerusalem,

let my right hand forget her cunning.

If I do not remember thee,

let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth;

if I prefer not Jerusalem

above my chief joy" (Ps. 137:5, 6).

Poignant grief.

"O Jonathan, thou wast slain in thine high places.

I am distressed for thee, my brother Jonathan:

Very pleasant hast thou been unto me:

thy love to me was wonderful.

passing the love of women.

"How are the mighty fallen,

and the weapons of war perished" (2 Sam. 1:25-27).

Perfect trust.

"For I know that my redeemer liveth,

and that he shall stand at the latter day upon the earth:

And though after my skin worms destroy this body,

yet in my flesh shall I see God:

Whom I shall see for myself,

and mine eyes shall behold, and not another;

though my reins be consumed within me" (Job 19:25-27).

Sublimity. As examples of the sublime in poetry, consider these passages:

"Give ear, O ye heavens, and I will speak;

and hear, O earth, the words of my mouth.

My doctrine shall drop as the rain,

my speech shall distil as the dew,

as the small rain upon the tender herb,

and as the showers upon the grass" (Deut. 32:1, 2).

"Now therefore arise, O Lord God, into thy resting place,

thou, and the ark of thy strength:

let thy priests, O Lord God, be clothed with salvation,

and let thy saints rejoice in goodness" (2 Chron. 6:41).

"Lift up your eyes on high,

and behold who hath created these things,

that bringeth out their host by number:

he calleth them all by names

by the greatness of his might,

for that he is strong in power;

not one faileth" (Isa. 40:26).

IV. The Metrical Elements of Hebrew Poetry

General. Unlike most modern English poetry, Hebrew poetry does not depend upon a verse scheme of regularly recurring accent and rhyme. Its accent is irregular, and its rhyme, if it occurs at all, seems casual or accidental. For those who must read the Bible in translation, the most significant metrical basis of Hebrew verse consists of the balanced symmetry of form and sense known as parallelism. The first scholar to examine fully the nature of Hebrew poetry and to put its study upon a sound basis was Bishop Robert Lowth, Oxford scholar and professor. In his Lectures on the Sacred Poetry of the Hebrews (1753), Lowth designated the tendency of Hebrew poetry to arrange statements in pairs, like a sound and its echo, as parallelism of members. Watts-Dunton has called it "sense rhythm," and Van Dyke has described it as "thought-rhythm." Of this distinguishing element in the structure of Hebrew poetry, Stanley says: "The rapid strokes as of alternate wings, the heaving and sinking as of the troubled heart, which have been beautifully described as the essence of the parallel structure of all Hebrew verse, are exactly suited for the endless play of human feeling, and for the understanding of every age and nation." It is worthy of note that this poetic feature has been rendered almost without loss into English. While the source of the factor of parallelism is unknown, it should be observed that the element of parallelism as a characteristic feature of Hebrew poetry is shared in common with such other ancient literatures as the Egyptian, the Assyro-Babylonian, and the Canaanite.

An example of parallelism of structure in its simplest form may be seen in the so-called Sword Song, or Song of Lamech (Gen. 4:23, 24), which is probably the oldest example of poetry in the Bible. In this six-line song of Lamech's, the parallel structure of Hebrew verse appears in its utter simplicity. The poem consists of three synonymous couplets or parallelisms.

"Adah and Zillah, Hear my voice;

ye wives of Lamech, hearken unto my speech:

for I have slain a man to my wounding,

and a young man to my hurt.

If Cain shall be avenged sevenfold,

truly Lamech seventy and sevenfold."

With this example as a beginning, we pass on to a fuller explanation and exemplification of the principle of parallelism as the chief determining factor in Hebrew verse.

Primary Forms of Parallelism. Three primary forms of parallelism are generally recognized:

1. Synonymous parallelism, in which the fundamental thought is repeated in different words and images in the second line of the couplet, for example:

"Gather yourselves together, and hear, ye sons of Jacob;

and hearken unto Israel your father" (Gen. 49:2).

"Sun, stand thou still upon Gibeon;

and thou, Moon, in the valley of Ajalon" (Joshua 10:12).

"The statutes of the Lord are right, rejoicing the heart:

the commandment of the Lord is pure, enlightening the eyes" (Ps. 19:8).

2. Antithetical or contrasted parallelism, in which the thought of the first line of a couplet is further explained by its contrast or reversal in the second line, for example:

"So let all thine enemies perish, O Lord:

but let them that love him be as the sun when he goeth forth

in his might" (Judges 5:31).

"For the Lord knoweth the way of the righteous:

but the way of the ungodly shall perish" (Ps. 1:6).

"The king's wrath is as the roaring of a lion;

but his favour is as dew upon the grass" (Prov. 19:12).

3. Synthetic, or constructive, parallelism, in which the second line of the couplet adds a thought to the first line by way of completion, enlargement, or intensification. The two lines may stand in the relation of cause and effect, proviso and conclusion, proposition and supplement, etc., for example:

"Yet have I set my king

upon my holy hill of Zion" (Ps. 2:6).

"The Lord looked down from heaven upon the children of men,

to see if there were any that did understand, and seek God" (Ps. 14:2).

"Better is a dinner of herbs where love is,

than a stalled ox and hatred therewith" (Prov. 15:17).

"Answer a fool according to his folly,

lest he be wise in his own conceit" (Prov. 26:5).

"He that hasteth to be rich hath an evil eye,

and considereth not that poverty shall come upon him" (Prov. 28:22).

Secondary Forms of Parallelism. In addition to the primary forms of parallelism, three secondary forms have been recognized:

1. Emblematic parallelism, an embellished type of synonymous parallelism, in which a figure of speech or image of some kind is used to develop the thought, for example:

"Fret not thyself because of evildoers,

neither be thou envious against the workers of iniquity.

For they shall soon be cut down like the grass,

and wither as the green herb" (Ps. 37:1, 2).

"Let them all be confounded and turned back

that hate Zion.

Let them be as the grass upon the housetops,

which withereth afore it groweth up:

Wherewith the mower filleth not his hand;

nor he that bindeth sheaves his bosom.

Neither do they which go by say,

The blessing of the Lord be upon you:

we bless you in the name of the Lord" (Ps. 129:5-8).

2. Climactic, or stairlike, parallelism, a vigorous type of synthetic parallelism in which a key word or phrase, or several words or phrases, are repeated and carried over till the thought is completed at the very end of the extended parallelism, for example:

"... for he cometh,

for he cometh to judge the earth:

he shall judge the world with righteousness,

and the people with his truth" (Ps. 96:13).

"I will lift up mine eyes unto the hills,

from whence cometh my help.

My help cometh from the Lord,

which made heaven and earth.

He will not suffer thy foot to be moved:

he that keepeth thee will not slumber.

Behold, he that keepeth Israel

shall neither slumber nor sleep" (Ps. 121:1-4).

3. Introverted parallelism, a type of parallelism in which the first and last of a series of lines are similar and enclose a number of lines developing the basic idea, for example:

"I cried to thee, O Lord;

and unto the Lord I made supplication.

What profit is there in my blood,

when I go down to the pit?

Shall the dust praise thee?

shall it declare thy truth?

Hear, O Lord, and have mercy upon me:

Lord, be thou my helper" (Ps. 30:8-10).

"The face of the Lord is against them that do evil,

to cut off the remembrance of them from the earth.

The righteous cry, and the Lord heareth,

and delivereth them out of all their troubles.

The Lord is nigh unto them that are of a broken heart;

and saveth such as be of a contrite spirit.

Many are the afflictions of the righteous:

but the Lord delivereth him out of them all.

He keepeth all his bones:

not one of them is broken.

Evil shall slay the wicked:

and they that hate the righteous shall be desolate" (Ps. 34:16-21).

Variations in Parallelism. The simplest and most common form of parallelism is the two-line unit, or couplet, but this is often augmented to three or four lines, and may be extended to a considerable number of lines in a great variety of combinations. Thus, several consecutive lines may be synonymous, for example:

"The floods have lifted up, O Lord,

the floods have lifted up their voice;

the floods lift up their waves" (Ps. 93:3).

"How shall I give thee up, Ephraim?

how shall I deliver thee, Israel?

how shall I make thee as Admah?

how shall I set thee as Zeboim?" (Hosea 11:8).

"That our sons may be as plants

grown up in their youth;

that our daughters may be as corner stones,

polished after the similitude of a palace:

That our garners may be full,

affording all manner of store:

that our sheep may bring forth thousands

and ten thousands in our streets:

That our oxen may be strong to labour;

that there be no breaking in, nor going out;

that there be no complaining in our streets" (Ps. 144:12-14).

Sometimes two synonymous lines may be augmented by a third, for example:

"Reuben, thou art my firstborn,

my might, and the beginning of my strength,

the excellency of dignity, and the excellency of power" (Gen. 49:3).

"Judah, thou art he whom thy brethren shall praise:

thy hand shall be in the neck of thine enemies;

thy father's children shall bow down before thee" (Gen. 49:8).

Or the first two lines may be synonymous, and the third in the nature of a supplement to the basic thought, for example:

"The kings of the earth set themselves,

and the rulers take counsel together,

against the Lord, and against his anointed" (Ps. 2:2).

"Joseph is a fruitful bough,

even a fruitful bough by a well;

whose branches run over the wall" (Gen. 49:22).

Sometimes in a four-line unit the first and third lines are parallel, and likewise the second and fourth, in a sort of interlaced pattern, for example:

" The Lord is my light and my salvation;

whom shall I fear?

the Lord is the strength of my life;

of whom shall I be afraid?" (Ps. 27:1).

"Their land also is full of silver and gold,

neither is there any end of their treasures;

their land is also full of horses,

neither is there any end of their chariots" (Isa. 2:7).

Such variety of arrangement permits the cumulation of thought, clause by clause, throughout an entire poem, the several clauses being interspersed with the repetition of a refrain, as in Ps. 136:

"O give thanks unto the Lord; for he is good:

for his mercy endureth for ever.

O give thanks unto the God of gods:

for his mercy endureth for ever.

O give thanks to the Lord of lords:

for his mercy endureth for ever" (vs. 1-3).

Numerous other developments and variations in parallelism could be exemplified, but these will suffice to show that there is a close relationship between thought and metrical structure in Hebrew poetry, that Hebrew poetry admits of the greatest freedom and variety of structure, and that an appreciation of parallel structure is an aid to the understanding and exegesis of a given passage of poetry.

Accent. Another element of Hebrew meter, also shared in common with the Egyptian, Assyro-Babylonian, and Canaanite literatures, is the factor of recurring accent, or beat. However, when accent, or stress, is recognized as a feature of Hebrew verse structure, it is not implied that the accent occurs regularly in the line and that there is a regular distribution of accented and unaccented syllables in the line, as in conventional English verse. Rather the accent occurs a given number of times in the line, irrespective of the number of syllables. The typical line of Hebrew lyric poetry is divided into two parts, with two accented syllables in each half.

In elegiac poetry and in other highly emotional poetry the typical line has three accents in the first half and two accents in the second half; this rhythm is called the qinah rhythm. Its effect is that of a crescendo of three beats followed by a shorter decrescendo of two beats. An apt illustration of such rhythm is found in the Hebrew of Amos 5:2:

"The virgin of Israel is fallen; she shall no more rise:

she is forsaken upon her land; there is none to raise her up."

In epic, didactic, and liturgical poetry the typical line tends to show three accented syllables in each half. Longer lines than these admit more accents to the line, and various combinations are possible. But in none of these arrangements is there any relationship whatsoever between accented syllables and the number of unaccented syllables between accents. Unfortunately, the accentual basis of Hebrew verse is not shown in translation. Furthermore, many questions having to do with this element of prosody in Hebrew verse are yet unanswered.

Other Elements. In addition to the factors of parallelism and irregular accent in Hebrew poetry, such other elements of verse as strophic, or stanzaic, structure, refrain, acrostic arrangement, assonance, and vividness of diction are noteworthy.

The poem as a whole is frequently broken into a series of strophes, or stanzas, to indicate change of thought within the larger unit. Sometimes these stanzas are of equal or nearly equal length, as in Ps. 1, 42, 43, 119. More often their length is unequal, analogous to the paragraphs of prose. Stanzaic division is sometimes marked by a refrain, as in Ps. 42, 43, 46, 57, 67; infrequently this refrain is augmented as the poem continues, as in vs. 19, 25, and 27 of 2 Sam. 1, wherein David laments over Saul and Jonathan, enlarging the refrain "How are the mighty fallen" with its second and third repetitions.

Sometimes, as in the Proverbs, a poem may consist of stanzas organized individually and arranged as symmetrically as the component parts of an English sonnet, for example, Prov. 6:6-11; or 24:30-34. Sometimes the methods of introverted parallelism are extended to a whole poem, the opening and closing stanzas of a poem constituting a sort of envelopment of the intervening subject matter, as in Ps. 8.

Acrostic, or alphabetic, arrangement, wherein successive verses or stanzas begin with the successive letters of the Hebrew alphabet, appears in the Hebrew of several poems, for example, Ps. 37, 119 and Prov. 31:10-31.

Assonance, or correspondence of vowel sounds within the line, which is not evident in translations of the Bible, appears in the Hebrew of such verses as Isa. 5:7, where the Hebrew words for "judgment" and "oppression," and also those for "righteousness" and "cry" have similar vowel sounds. And in the Hebrew of Isa. 17:12, 13, the onomatopoeic effect (adaptation of sound to the expression of sense) is marked, giving the impression of ocean surf thundering on the shore and crashing on the rocky coast. Vividness and concrete diction, characteristics of the Hebrew language, become especially apparent in the Hebrew poetry; for example, complete despair is expressed in a succession of vivid pictures in Ps. 69:1-3; the misery of being forsaken of God is depicted in a galaxy of concrete images in Lam. 3:1-16.

Surely in the poetry of the Hebrews, beauty of thought and beauty of form are joined in perfect union. The light of life shines from a beautiful lamp. The jewel of truth glows in a glittering casket. Let us worship the Lord in the beauty of holiness.

Musical Instruments of the Ancient Hebrews

Music played a great role in the religious life of the ancient Hebrews, and types of instruments existing from the earliest days of this world's history (Gen. 4:21) were found among God's people in great variety (see Ps. 150). Musical performances took place in connection with many great events of the history of the children of Israel. Their victorious deliverance from the Egyptian army at the Red Sea was celebrated by singing to the accompaniment of a timbrel (Ex. 15:20). The blowing of trumpets was the signal for the miraculous fall of Jericho's walls (Joshua 6:16). David's orchestra, which played at the occasion of the transfer of the ark from Kirjath-jearim to Jerusalem, contained at least five different kinds of instruments (2 Sam. 6:5). Solomon's Temple contained an elaborate musical organization for the various services carried on there.

Musical instruments, like all other objects in daily use, have a long history and have changed their outward form in many details. Some ancient instruments are no longer known. Others have taken their place. Today, there exists a greater variety of instruments than ever before, and often the same name may designate an entirely different instrument from what it did long ago. For example, the term "organ" in Gen. 4:21 conveys an entirely wrong idea to the minds of those who try to compare Jubal's instrument with a modern organ. Likewise, most people have no correct idea of a timbrel (Ex. 15:20), a psaltery (Ps. 150:3), or a tabret (Gen. 31:27).

A number of important studies on this subject have appeared in the past, of which the most helpful in the preparation of this article were the following: J. Wellhausen's Appendix, "Music of the Ancient Hebrews," to his work The Book of Psalms, which appeared in 1898 in The Polychrome Bible, edited by P. Haupt. The most up-to-date study on musical instruments from ancient to modern times, The History of Musical Instruments, has been written by Curt Sachs (New York: W. W. Norton & Co., Inc., 1940), in which ch. 5 deals with the Israelite musical instruments. A popularly written article like the present one appeared in The Biblical Archaeologist, vol. 4 (September, 1941), pp. 33-47, under the title "Musical Instruments of Israel," by Ovid R. Sellers. To all these works the author of the present article gratefully acknowledges his debt.

Very few contemporary pictures of musical instruments of OT times exist from Palestine, and the only ancient Palestine, musical instrument extant is cymbals, a pair of which has been excavated at Beth-shemesh, and another pair at Tell Abuµ HawaÆm; also, the handle of a sistrum has come to light at Bethel. Yet the archeological material that Egypt and Mesopotamia have brought to light affords much illustrative evidence for a reasonably clear understanding of Hebrew music. Since the Egyptians, Assyrians, and Babylonians employed very similar instruments, it is reasonable to suppose that the ancient Hebrews, living between the two cultures, on the Nile and Tigris-Euphrates, had musical instruments which did not vary much from those of their neighbors. Hence, some of the identifications proposed in this article are based on the evidence from those countries that have furnished us with rich pictorial material, and on actual ancient musical instruments that have survived in Egypt's dry climate in profuse numbers. That in spite of this rich material there are still uncertainties in regard to some terms used in the Bible to describe musical instruments must be acknowledged. This is the reason for some variances and inconsistencies found in this regard in the modern Bible translations.

I. Percussion Instruments

Drum.--The reader may not remember having read the word drum in the OT, and he is right as for the KJV. Yet, the Hebrew word toph, translated eight times "tabret" and nine times "timbrel" in the KJV, and "tambourine" or "timbrel" in the RSV, actually was a "hand drum," according to experts in ancient musical instruments. Sachs says that "this drum was made of a wooden hoop and very probably two skins, without any jingling contrivance or sticks" (op. cit., p. 108). The Talmud claims that the skin was taken either from rams or from wild goats. It was an instrument mainly played by women, but occasionally by men. Beaten by the hands, it must have made a kind of tom-tom sound, and accompanied singing and dancing to accentuate the beat. It seems to have been played only on joyous occasions, as the following Biblical examples, which mention this instrument, indicate.

Laban claims that this instrument was played in his household on festive occasions (Gen. 31:27). Miriam played it to accompany her singing after the deliverance of the children of Israel from the Egyptians at the Red Sea (Ex. 15:20), and Jephthah's daughter came out with a hand drum to meet her victorious father (Judges 11:34). The prophets whom Saul met after his anointing to the kingship and whom he joined played this instrument (1 Sam. 10:5), as well as the girls who met Saul and David after their victorious return from the battle with the Philistines (1 Sam. 18:6). Hand drums were found in the orchestra which David employed on the occasion of the transfer of the ark from Kirjath-jearim to Jerusalem (2 Sam. 6:5), and the psalmist encourages his readers to use this instrument in their praises of the Lord (Ps. 149:3; 150:4).

Cymbals.--The English word cymbals comes from Greek kumbala, which the LXX uses as a translation of the Hebrew selselim, 3 times in the OT, and of the Hebrew mesiltayim, which is used 13 times in Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah. Both terms are derived from the verb salal, to "clash," "jingle," and "tingle," showing that the sound of the name suggests the sound which the instrument produces. Ps. 150:5 distinguishes between "loud" and "high sounding" (KJV) or "sounding" and "loud clashing" (RSV) cymbals. The Hebrew adjective of the former term is shemaÔ, meaning "clear," while the Hebrew adjective used to distinguish the latter is teruÔah, which means "harsh," and "noisy." The noisy cymbals were beaten in a vertical movement, of which Figure 2 shows an example from an Assyrian relief, but the clear cymbals were struck with a horizontal movement of the hands.

As already mentioned, two pairs of cymbals have been found in the excavations of Palestine; the cymbals from Tell Abuµ HawaÆm, of which measurements have been published, have a diameter of about 4 in. They have holes in the center through which thongs were probably thrust, and then knotted together on the inside.

The cymbals are not mentioned in the Bible before the time of David. Although they are also found in the Mesopotamian valley, as Figure 2 shows, they seem to have been unknown in ancient Egypt until the Christian Era. Their use is confined to religious ceremonies in the Bible. They area mentioned as instruments in David's orchestra when the ark was brought to Jerusalem (2 Sam. 6:5), and frequently in connection with temple music (2 Chron. 5:12; 29:25; Ezra 3:10; Neh. 12:27; etc.).

Sistrum.--In the list of instruments of which the orchestra of David was constituted at the memorable occasion, already referred to, when the ark was brought to Jerusalem (2 Sam. 6:5), a type of musical instrument is mentioned that appears nowhere else in the Bible. The Hebrew menaÔanÔim, translated "cornets" in the KJV and "castanets" in the RSV, is derived from the Hebrew nuaÔ, "to shake." The LXX contains the translation kumbala, "cymbals," which cannot be correct, since the "cymbals" are not shaken but struck against each other. The Vulgate seems to have the best translation, sistris.

The sistrum is a well-known Egyptian musical instrument. It consisted of a handle with a metal loop above the handle. Holes were bored through the loop, and pieces of wire inserted with ends bent. Since the holes were larger than the wires, the instrument made a rattling sound when shaken. This instrument was usually connected with Hathor or Isis worship in Egypt, for which reason Sachs formerly thought that the translation "sistra" must be rejected in 2 Sam. 6:5. Yet, sistra have been excavated in Sumerian cemeteries of southern Mesopotamia completely unconnected with this cult, so that Sachs now thinks that David may have used these instruments (op. cit., p. 121). A Hathor-headed handle of a sistrum was excavated at Bethel in Palestine in 1934 in a pre-Israelite level, showing that the sistrum was known among the Canaanites. This does not, however, prove its employment by the Hebrews.

Some clay rattles were excavated at Tell Beit Mirsim, perhaps Biblical Debir, in an occupation level of the ruined mound which was contemporary with David's reign. These rattles have the shape of hourglasses and contain some pebbles in the hollow interior. Whether they were really musical instruments like the sistra or children's toys cannot be ascertained.

Triangle.--Some musical instrument used by the girls who welcomed Saul and David after their victorious return from the battle against the Philistines is called in Hebrew shalishim, which is translated in the KJV "instruments of musick" (1 Sam. 18:6). The RSV renders the term in the same way, but adds the marginal note, "Or triangles, or three-stringed instruments." The word in question is the most disputed of all those Hebrew words that describe musical instruments in the Bible. Since it is clearly connected with Hebrew shalosh, "three," or shelishi, "the third," translators have suggested, besides the terms already mentioned, that it might be rendered also "triangular harps" or "three-stringed lutes."

Since the triangle is nowhere attested in ancient times, the correctness of this translation is very questionable, yet there is no certainty that any of the other suggestions is better. Sachs (op. cit., p. 123) suggests that this word was a technical term for a certain form of dance, such as the Roman tripudium, in which can also be seen the Latin word for "three." Sellers (op. cit., p. 45), however, rejects this suggestion, and the whole problem must be considered as unsolved.

II. Stringed Instruments

Harp.--In every instance where the word "harp" is found in the OT the Hebrew and Aramaic terms have been misunderstood by the modern translators, and the actual ancient harp has been given other names in the Bible. Harps were in common use both in Mesopotamia and in Egypt from very early times. The earliest representation of a harp, and eleven-stringed instrument, is depicted on a stone relief from Lagash (Lower Mesopotamia) which was made before 2000 B.C. Mesopotamian harps had the sounding box either above, as the example from Assyria (Fig. 4) shows, or below, like all Egyptian harps (Figs. 5 and 6). The Egyptian harps were usually of such a large size that they were set on the ground when played.

The Biblical instrument that can be compared with the harps of Egypt or Mesopotamia is the one called nebel in the Hebrew Bible. Nebel is in the first place the name for a skin bottle, but in 27 instances the name of a musical instrument that is rendered "psaltery" 23 times and "viol" 4 times in the KJV. The LXX offers nabla in 14 cases, which is simply a transliteration into Greek of the Hebrew nebel, but renders this word 8 times psalterion, "harp," and once kithara, "zither." The Vulgate contains the translation psalterium, "harp," 17 times, lyra 4 times, and nablium 3 times, the simple transliteration of the Hebrew word nebel. Jerome, the translator of the Vulgate, explains that the sounding box was above on these instruments, which, if correct, would prove that the Hebrew harp was similar in shape to the Assyrian harp shown in Figure 4. Its body, rising above the string holder, was rounded and completely covered with skin, for which reason, according to Jewish rabbinical sources, this instrument had received the name nebel, which originally applied to a skin bottle. The same sources claim that the nebel had more and larger strings than the lyre, and hence produced a sound that was lower in pitch. Josephus, writing in the 1st century a.d., states that this instrument had 12 strings, which were plucked with the bare fingers. All these observations and statements make it virtually certain that the Hebrew nebel was a "harp."

A study of the Biblical references to this instrument shows that it was almost exclusively used for religious purposes. The prophets whom Saul met after his anointing by Samuel carried a harp, besides other instruments (1 Sam. 10:5), and harps belonged to David's orchestra at the bringing in of the ark (2 Sam. 6:5). Numerous texts mention this instrument as part of the Temple orchestra (see 1 Chron. 15:16, 20, 28; Neh. 12:27; etc.), and the psalmist exhorts his readers to use it in order to praise the Lord (Ps. 150:3).

Lyre.--In 42 texts of the OT a musical instrument is mentioned by the Hebrew word kinnor, rendered each time "harp" in the KJV, but "lyre" in the RSV. The LXX offers the translation kithara 20 times, and a mere transliteration kinura 17 times. The Vulgate renders it cithara 37 times, and lyra twice. The Greek kithara, the Roman cithara, was a special kind of "lyre." Hence, the reader can see from the enumeration of the ancient translations that the instrument called regularly "harp" in the OT actually was a "lyre." The last doubt is silenced by the fact that the Egyptians designated the "lyre" by the word kniniwr, a word borrowed from the Semitic kinnor.

Ancient pictures from Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Palestine have preserved for us representations of the lyre used in the homeland of the Israelites during different periods. On the famous wall painting of Beni Hasan depicting the arrival in Egypt of 37 Amorites from Canaan, about 1900 B.C., a man is shown playing a lyre (Fig. 7). Since lyres were at that time not known in Egypt, this Semite was a novelty, and was deemed worthy of picturing. The illustration shows that eight strings were stretched across the sounding board, past a blank space, and were then attached to a crossbar. With his right hand the performer draws a plectrum across the strings and uses the left hand for deadening those strings not intended to make sounds.

The next pictorial representation comes from Palestine itself. A lyre player is shown on a decorated vase that was found at Megiddo in an occupation level of the end of the 11th century b.c. (Fig. 8) and hence comes from the time of Saul, when David played on a lyre before the king to quiet his disturbed mind. This lyre does not differ much from the Beni Hasan instrument with the exception that the crossbar does not run parallel to the sounding box, but at an angle.It also seems to indicate that the instrument had received a more elegant outward shape in the eight centuries that had passed since the Beni Hasan example was drawn.

The third example is a relief discovered at Nineveh, now in the British Museum, dating from the time of the Assyrian king Sennacherib, the foe of King Hezekiah of Judah, about 700 B.C. Three walking Semites are depicted playing lyres while an Assyrian soldier follows them with a drawn dagger, or a mace, in his hand (Fig. 9). Since the performers are pictured exactly as the Jews on the reliefs representing the siege and surrender of Lachish, it is generally believed that the three lyre-playing Semites are captive Jews. The sounding box of these lyres does not show, because it is behind the performers, and the crossbars are constructed somewhat differently from those of the Beni Hasan and Megiddo examples. The third man seems to play with his finger without a plectrum, yet the relief is not clear enough to allow a detailed study of the instruments and players.

On Jewish coins of the 2d century a.d. the later forms of Palestinian lyres are depicted (Fig. 10). These have a kettle-shaped sounding board below an oval body on which the lower ends of the strings are fixed, with the frame, showing decorations, being almost square.

Egyptian and Mesopotamian lyre players are also frequently pictured on the ancient monuments (Figs. 11, 12). They need no further description, since we are so well informed about the Palestinian lyre with which we are mainly concerned in this Bible commentary.

The lyre, as referred to by the writers of the Bible, seems to have been an instrument of joy and gladness. It was invented before the Flood (Gen. 4:21), and was found in Laban's household (Gen. 31:27). As already stated, David played the lyre (not a harp) before Saul (1 Sam. 16:16, 23). It formed a part of the Temple orchestras (1 Chron. 15:16, 21, 28; Neh. 12:27; etc.), and is frequently mentioned in the Psalms as an instrument used for the praise of God (Ps. 149:3; 150:3; etc.). In captivity the lyres were hung on the willows in Babylonia because the musicians were too sad to play (Ps. 137:2).

Zither.--Three texts in the Psalms mention a musical instrument called ÔasŒor in Hebrew, translated "instrument of ten strings" in the KJV. With this designation all commentators agree, because the Hebrew word means basically "ten." However, they vary in their opinions concerning the exact nature of this instrument. In Ps. 33:2 and 144:9 the word ÔasŒor follows the term nebel, "harp," without conjunction, so that some scholars designate the combined term by a phrase such as "ten-stringed harp" (among others, the RSV). But in Ps. 92:3 a clear distinction is made between playing on the ÔasŒor and playing on the "harp"; hence, Sachs must be right in considering the ÔasŒor a separate instrument in all three texts where the word occurs.

The suggestion has been made that the ÔasŒor is a lute, and the RSV translates it thus in Ps. 92:3. But this rendering cannot be correct, since all pictorial representations of lutes in Egypt and Mesopotamia show them to be so narrow that they could not accommodate more than two or three strings. Sachs suggests, therefore, that ÔasŒor be identified with the "zither," a suggestion accepted by Sellers. The zither was not known to the people of Egypt and Mesopotamia, but was used by the Phoenicians, the neighbors of the Israelites. Two such ten-stringed zithers are depicted in the hands of two women on an ivory pyxis (a jewel case or a boxlike vase), found at NimruÆd (the Biblical Calah) in Assyria (Fig. 15) to which city this object must have come with other spoils of war from a Phoenician city. Also in a strange, illustrated letter attributed to Jerome, the translator of the Bible into Latin, a similar ten-stringed zither is depicted under the title psalterium decachordum (Fig. 16), to which is given the explanation, "It has ten strings, as it is written: I shall praise you on the ten-stringed psaltery" (Sachs, op. cit., p. 118).

III. Wind Instruments

Flute.--The word "flute" occurs in the KJV only in Dan. 3:5, 7, 10, 15 as an instrument in Nebuchadnezzar's band, but there it is a mistranslation for a whistle or pipe. However, the flute, one of the oldest instruments shown on Egyptian monuments, could not have been unknown to the Hebrews, seeing it was used all around them, in ancient Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Arabia. The only term in the Hebrew Bible that can designate the flute is Ôugab, mentioned in Gen. 4:21 as an instrument invented very early in this world's history. In this Genesis passage it is translated "organ" in the KJV and "pipe" in the RSV.

The translation "organ" follows the Vulgate, where the Hebrew term Ôugab is rendered organon, by which Jerome understood the Panpipes, consisting of several pipes. This identification cannot be correct, since the Panpipes were unknown in pre-Greek periods throughout the ancient world. Most modern commentators seem to agree that the Ôugab was a "flute," receiving its name from Ôagab, "to love," since the flute is the wind instrument most closely connected with love. Sachs, however, thinks that the word Ôugab reflects rather "the hollow, oo-like timbre of a long, wide, vertical flute" (op. cit., p. 106).

If the identification of Ôugab with "flute" is correct, the Hebrew flute must have been similar to the Egyptian, one of which not only pictures but actual specimens have survived to our day. The ancient Egyptian flute was a hollow reed pipe with finger holes drilled in its walls. The player held it in transverse position and blew. In Mesopotamia, flutes were made of reeds and also of clay.

This instrument is mentioned in the two oldest books of the OT, Genesis (4:21) and Job (21:12; 30:31), and is, with the lyre, one of the earliest musical instruments played on this earth. It seems not to have belonged to the instruments used in the Temple, where louder instruments were apparently preferred to the soft-toned flute. However, it is mentioned in Ps. 150:4 as one of the musical instruments with which the Lord was to be praised.

Double Flute or Oboe.--The instrument called in the Hebrew Bible chalil, literally "pierced," must be the "oboe" or "double flute." The KJV renders the word "pipe," while the RSV offers the translation "flute." It is first mentioned in the time of Saul (1 Sam. 10:5), and is from that time on attested throughout the period of the kings until the end of the kingdom of Judah (Jer. 48:36). Since all pipers depicted in the countries surrounding Palestine during the period of the kings of Israel and Judah played the double flute, but never the single flute, it is valid to conclude that the "pierced" wind instrument called chalil in Hebrew is the "double flute" or "oboe." The Egyptian oboes (see Fig. 18), as well as their Mesopotamian counterparts, consisted of two pipes which apparently had one mouthpiece. Their ends were held apart, with each hand of the performer fingering a separate pipe, of which some were cylindrical while others were conical. Since one hand of the player is regularly shown higher than the other in the pictures, it has been concluded that two tones were produced.

Sellers thinks that not only may the oboe have to be identified with the Hebrew chalil, but also the double clarinet, of which examples are known from ancient Egypt (op. cit., pp. 41, 42).

The "double flute" was, like the simple one, not used for Temple music. However, it is mentioned repeatedly as an instrument of joy. It was in the hands of the prophets who met Saul after his anointment (1 Sam. 10:5), was played by the people when they gave expression of their joy over the coronation of Solomon (1 Kings 1:40), but was also used by licentious drunkards in Isaiah's time (Isa. 5:11, 12).

Horn.--Two Hebrew words are found in the Bible which designate an instrument made from animals' horns, the shophar and qeren. The first was made only of a ram's horn, while the latter term designated an instrument made of the horn of a goat or ram. The shophar is mentioned 72 times in the OT. The KJV 4 times translates it "cornet," and 68 times, "trumpet." The OT writers use qeren 5 times to describe a musical instrument. Of these 5 instances the translators 4 times render it "cornet" and once as "horn." The translation "horn," although not used by many modern translators, is actually the more literal and accurate one.

The horn is the only ancient musical instrument preserved in the Jewish religion today. It is brought into shape by steaming the animal's horn until it becomes soft, so that it can be flattened and the bell end sharply bent. Although these details are mentioned neither in the Bible nor in the Talmud, there can be no doubt that its shaping in ancient times did not differ from the modern method. It was originally without mouthpiece, but in Talmudic times the shophar, which had a mouthpiece overlaid with gold, was used for announcing the New Year.

The horn was not a musical instrument in the sense that it was used to play tunes, since it produced only two harmonics (the second and the third), but it served as a signaling instrument, and is mentioned more frequently in the Bible than any other instrument of music. The horn was blown to warn the people at Mt. Sinai of the approaching divine manifestation (Ex. 19:16, 19; 20:18). The blowing of seven such horns was the sign for the walls of Jericho to fall down (Joshua 6:6, 20). The judges Ehud and Gideon gave war signals with the horn (Judges 3:27; 7:20), as well as King Saul (1 Sam. 13:3), and Joab, David's general (2 Sam. 2:28). The coronation of Solomon was announced by the blowing of the horn (1 Kings 1:34, 39), as well as the arrival of each new moon (Ps. 81:3), and the proclamation of the year of jubilee (Lev. 25:9). The horn was used to sound alarm when dangers threatened the land (Neh. 4:18, 20; Jer. 4:5, 19; Eze. 33:3), and in an exceptional case it is mentioned as an instrument by which God could be praised (Ps. 150:3).

Trumpet.--Another Hebrew word translated "trumpet" in the KJV is the chas\os\erah, which occurs only once in the singular (Hosea 5:8), but 28 times in the plural. In contrast to the "horn" (Heb. shophar and qeren) this "trumpet" was made of metal. Numbers 10:1, 2 contains the divine order to Moses to have "two trumpets of silver" made "of a whole piece," meaning probably beaten of one sheet of metal. Josephus, describing the construction of these trumpets (Antiquities iii. 12. 6), claims that they were straight tubes, a little less than a cubit (17.5 inches) long, slightly thicker than a flute, and ending in a bell.

Jewish coins of the 2d century a.d. depict pairs of trumpets, which seem to agree in their appearance with Josephus' description, but the other ancient representation of a pair of trumpets from the Temple--the relief on the triumphal Arch of Titus in Rome, but in a.d. 70 after the victorious return of the Roman army from its campaign in Judea--shows them to be much longer.

One peculiarity not sufficiently explained yet is the fact that the trumpets seem to have regularly been used in pairs among the Hebrews. Moses made two trumpets, and two such instruments are shown on the ancient Jewish coins, as well as on the Arch of Titus, as already mentioned. The two trumpets must have been played either together or alternately, and possibly each on a different note.

Although Egyptian trumpeters are usually shown alone (Fig. 24), at least one relief is known on which a pair of trumpeters is depicted from the time of Ramses III at Medinet Habu (Fig. 25). This last-mentioned relief is instructive also in other respects, since it shows that wooden forms were inserted when the trumpet was not in use to prevent it from being bent or dented, as no process was known at that time to harden the silver sufficiently so that it could withstand the rough treatment it received in military life. In the illustration given here the wooden form has been withdrawn from the trumpet and tucked under the performer's arm while he is blowing the instrument. In Tutankhamen's tomb were found two trumpets, one of silver and one of bronze, which also contained wooden forms for protection. Although about 33 centuries old, the two trumpets of King Tutankhamen are so well preserved that they can still be used, and were sounded in April, 1939, by bandsman J. Tappern of the English Hussars. The recording made at that time has occasionally been broadcast by the BBC.

The Hebrew trumpets were used for alarm (Num. 10:9), and also in conjunction with Temple music (2 Chron. 5:12, 13, etc.).

IV. Additional Remarks

The titles of some psalms contain certain obscure words which have been considered at various times to be designations for musical instruments, such as neginoth (Ps. 4, 6, 55, etc.), gittith (Ps. 8, 81, 84), and sheminith (Ps. 6, 12), but which probably designate, not musical instruments, but melodies or styles of singing. Neginoth may refer to the music of stringed instruments.

The Hebrew word minnim in Ps. 150:4 is correctly translated "stringed instruments" in the KJV, since it designates not a particular instrument, but a whole family including the harp, lyre, and zither.

The instruments listed in Dan. 3:5, 7, 10, 15 which made up Nebuchadnezzar's band, are explained in the comments on those texts, because they are not mentioned as belonging to the Hebrew musical life with which this article is concerned.

Since the musical instruments of the ancient Hebrews are classified in this article under names which they should have according to current archeological evidence, and which vary considerably from the names given them in the KJV, the Biblical names are listed here with the references to the pages on which they are discussed in this article.

The Ancient World From 586 to 400 B.C.

I. Introduction

Setting of This Period.--This article deals with the period of the Exile and Restoration of the Jews, at the time of two world powers, one succeeding the other--the Neo-Babylonian and Persian empires. This period begins with the destruction of the kingdom of Judah and its capital city, Jerusalem, by the brutal war machine of Nebuchadnezzar. After this catastrophe we find the Jews in captivity in the Mesopotamian valley watching the signs which heralded the political weakening of their oppressors, and the rising of new powers in the east--the Medes first and the Persians a little later. When Nebuchadnezzar, the strong man of Babylon, died, three ephemeral rulers successively occupied his throne. This evidence of weakness was apparent to the watchful Jews, as was possibly also, during the next decade, the report of a new star on the horizon--Cyrus of Persia, whom Isaiah had described as their future liberator. How their hearts must have beat fast when reports of Cyrus' incredible successes reached them, the fall of Media and Ecbatana, then of Lydia with its impregnable capital, Sardis. Finally they saw the strong new nation of the east put an end to the weak Babylonian Empire.

Cyrus, the new emperor, was a largehearted, humane monarch who fulfilled the Jewish expectations and prophecies in all details. He permitted the return of the Jews and the restoration of their Temple and its service. Arriving in their old homeland, the returned captives had to struggle against numerous odds, especially against the hostile attitude and activities of their neighbors. The rebuilding of the Temple was accomplished under great difficulties in approximately twenty years. After a series of crises--of which that described in Esther was the most serious--a semi-independent status within the Persian Empire was finally obtained in the time of Artaxerxes I, who sent Ezra to Judea with extraordinary powers, in 457 B.C. Ezra's work was hindered by the national enemies, but was finally brought to a successful completion by the strong leadership of Nehemiah. With the description of his work our Biblical sources become silent and the Intertestamental Period sets in.

Purpose of Article.--The purpose of this article is to give the history of the small Jewish nation against the historical background of its time. The history of the people of God cannot rightly be understood if one studies it as an isolated unit. The events are usually described but briefly in the Bible, and can fully be understood only if studied in the light of archeological and historical evidence.

The source material for this period of less than two centuries is very rich for some sections and extremely poor for others. The Bible is almost silent about any events lying between the destruction of Jerusalem in 586 B.C. and the return of the Jews about 50 years later. Even the historical books which inform us about the restoration of the nation (Ezra and Nehemiah) leave large gaps uncovered in their narratives.

This is also true of our extra-Biblical source material. It is very limited during the time of the Babylonian Empire, as well as during certain periods of the time of the Persians. Furthermore, this material is of great variety and differs in reliability. Official Babylonian and Persian documents are scarce. Our most voluminous sources, the Greek histories, are tainted with hatred against the Persians and are contradictory and frequently unreliable. Nevertheless for lack of something better they prove useful and important for the historian who seeks to reconstruct the story of the events of that period.

In recent years archeological discoveries have greatly added to our knowledge of this very important period in the history of God's people, and the following survey is based on the presently available evidence. The historical picture sketched in the following pages may, of course, need modification in some details as added information becomes available through future discoveries of further source material.

Chronology of the Period.--The chronology of this period is well established by means of some astronomical texts and a multitude of other dated documents. Since chronological problems are sufficiently examined in the article on chronology, pp. 85-110, we need not discuss them.

However, it should be said here that uncertainties concerning the accurate dates for certain events, as will be evident in several instances in this article, are not the result of uncertainties in the chronology of this period, but are due to fragmentary source material, or the ambiguous nature of their chronological data. Any clearly dated document of the period under discussion, be it Persian, Greek, Jewish, Egyptian, or otherwise, can easily be converted into the familiar b.c. scheme. But in many instances recorded events are not dated, or at least not exactly dated, in our Biblical and extra-Biblical sources. Such events must be put into the chronological scheme by a careful study of all factors involved. That in such cases scholarly conclusions vary, is understandable, and no date set down in this way can claim absolute accuracy; close approximation is all that can be reached.

The reader should therefore understand that where two dates are given, as, for example, for Cyrus' defeat of Astyages, our source material on which these dates are based allows two different interpretations. He should also bear in mind that a date given in this article, which differs from one found in another work dealing with the same subject, is not necessarily better or less accurate than the other. It may in some instances be based on more recent evidence, in other cases on a different interpretation of evidence which allows more than one interpretation. While dates are necessary to understand history and cannot be dispensed with, the reader should always remember that many dates of ancient history are likely to be changed through the discovery of new evidence, and he should therefore not be surprised if certain dates herewith presented should later on prove to need correction.

Fortunately, the margin of possible error with regard to the dates of the period under discussion is very small and in no instance exceeds a few years. In most cases differences between the true dates and those given in this article will vary by not more than one year, and many dates presented on the following pages are absolutely correct. In this regard the 6th and 5th centuries are founded chronologically on a more secure basis than several earlier or later periods of history.

The accompanying table presents the synchronisms between the different ruling houses of this period. The dates given for reigns of the kings of Egypt, Babylonia, and Persia (after 539 B.C.), as well as those given for the Jewish leaders, are exact, but those of the rulers of Media and Lydia are uncertain.

* Uncertain dates.
† Only dates of appointment are available.

II. The Neo-Babylonian Empire From 586 to 539 B.C.

The history of the Neo-Babylonian Empire from its foundation by Nabopolassar during the 7th century b.c. until 586 B.C., the year in which the kingdom of Judah, with its capital, Jerusalem, was destroyed, is told in Vol. II pp. 92-94.

Nebuchadnezzar II (605-562 B.C.).--The great conqueror of Judah and destroyer of Jerusalem, Nebuchadnezzar directed his attention to more than warfare. He carried on extensive building operations. Of his accomplishments in this line the king was exceedingly proud, as his many building inscriptions reveal. Babylon was practically rebuilt by this king. He enlarged the city and surrounded it with new fortifications, enclosing at the same time a new palace which he had built more than one mile north of the old palace quarter. The great temple of Marduk, called Esagila, was beautified and its temple tower Etemenanki, which had been in ruins at the time when his father took the throne, was completed. Numerous other temples were rebuilt or newly erected in Babylon and elsewhere during Nebuchadnezzar's reign, which had more building activity than any other period in the history of Mesopotamia.

Little is known of Nebuchadnezzar's military activity after the Judean campaign, for there is nothing after his 11th year in the extant Babylonian chronicles (see Bibliography, p. 84, for these, edited by D. J. Wiseman, 1956), which recount many military campaigns of Nabopolassar and Nebuchadnezzar, and one of Nergal-shar-usur. However there is information extant indicating that Nebuchadnezzar fought for 13 years against Tyre (585-573 B.C.). That proud maritime power, trusting in its impregnable island position, refused to bow to the Babylonian monarch, and therefore drew the wrath of Nebuchadnezzar upon itself. One year before Nebuchadnezzar's campaign against Tyre began, the prophet Ezekiel foretold the fate of the rich merchant city, which comprised large residential sections on the mainland, and warehouses, arsenals, factories, and shipyards located safely on a little rock island off the coast. Nebuchadnezzar's forces conquered and destroyed mainland Tyre, to which Ezekiel's prophecies apply, but besieged the island in vain for many years. Tyre finally gave in and surrendered under the condition of retaining its king, although it had to accept a Babylonian high commissioner, who kept a watchful eye over Tyre's external and internal affairs and took care to safeguard Babylonia's interests.

During this period a campaign against unruly elements among Judah's former neighbors, Syria, Ammon, Moab, and also against Egypt, must have taken place, as Josephus claims, in the 23d regnal year of Nebuchadnezzar (582 B.C.). Also Jews who had been left in the country after the debacle of 586 B.C. seem to have taken part in the anti-Babylonian activity, and this activity resulted in the punitive action of Nebuchadnezzar by which 745 more Jews were taken to Babylon as captives, according to Jer. 52:30.

Although the siege of Tyre had not been unsuccessful, the Chaldeans were disappointed, and considered the accomplishments not commensurate with the efforts of a 13 years' siege, as Ezekiel's words (ch. 29:18-20) reveal. The prophet, however, predicted that they would find rich booty in Egypt. Little is known of Nebuchadnezzar's Egyptian campaign foretold in this prophecy. One lone tablet fragment in the British Museum speaks of Nebuchadnezzar's war against Amasis of Egypt in the former king's 37th regnal year (568 B.C.). That we cannot expect to find Egyptian records concerning this war with its apparently disastrous results for Egypt is understandable, but it is unfortunate that neither are there Babylonian records extant that allow us to see how Ezekiel's prophecy was fulfilled. Since Amasis continued to reign over Egypt after this campaign, Nebuchadnezzar may have pardoned and reinstated him on the throne.

Of the great king's last seven years nothing is known from secular sources. The book of Daniel speaks of a seven years' madness of Nebuchadnezzar, which apparently was followed, probably shortly after his recovery, by his death (Dan. 4). Apparently this is not recorded in contemporary records, which diligently hide deficiencies of their rulers.

Amel-Marduk, Nergal-shar-usur, and Labashi-Marduk (562-556 B.C.).--When Nebuchadnezzar, one of the most brilliant rulers of antiquity, died near the beginning of October, 562 B.C., after a reign of 43 years, his son Amel-Marduk, the Evil-Merodach of the Bible, ascended to the throne (562-560 B.C.]). The ancient historians know of him only as a man who led a wicked and unbridled life, but the Bible informs us that he pardoned Jehoiachin, the imprisoned king of the Jews, and bestowed royal honors upon him (Jer. 52:31-34), in the 37th year after he had been deported from Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar.

Amel-Marduk did not display the strength of his father, and after a reign of less than two years was murdered by revolutionaries, who put one of their own on the throne, Nergal-shar-usur (Greek: Neriglissar), who had not only been one of Nebuchadnezzar's most honored courtiers (Jer. 39:3, 13), but also his son-in-law, hence Amel-Marduk's brother-in-law. Nergal-shar-usur (560-556 B.C.) made an incursion into Cilicia in 557/56, recorded in the chronicle (see p. 46). He claimed to have built temples and palaces and to have destroyed enemies and burned to death his antagonists.

Since he came to the throne as a comparatively old man, he died after a short reign of less than four years. His son Labashi-Marduk succeeded him for probably less than two months, reigning for some time during the months of May and June, 556 B.C. Then a gang of conspirators tortured him to death and made Nabonidus, one of their own party, king of Babylon.

Nabonidus (556-539 B.C.).--The ancestry of the new ruler has not definitely been established, but it seems that his father had been a prince of Haran by the name of NabuÆ-balaÆt\su-iqbi, and his mother was probably ShumuÆa-damqa, a priestess of Sin (the moon-god), who, according to a monument thought to be erected in her honor, had held this office in the Sin temple of Haran since the time of Ashurbanipal. One opinion is that when Haran was conquered by the Medes and Babylonians in 610 B.C., she and her young son may have been carried captive to Babylon, and that she was taken into the harem of Nebuchadnezzar, rising there in the course of time from concubine to a favorite wife. Royal favors were also bestowed on her son Nabonidus, who became an influential officer in the administration of the empire, as we see from the fact that he was probably chosen in 585 B.C. by Nebuchadnezzar to act as mediator in the war between the Medes and Lydians. It is likely that he was married to one of Nebuchadnezzar's daughters and thus became the king's son-in-law, for which reason Daniel could call Nebuchadnezzar Belshazzar's father, meaning according to Hebrew usage "ancestor" or "grandfather" in this case (Dan. 5:11). The following genealogical sketch will show the relationship between the various rulers of the Neo-Babylonian Empire, who are numbered in sequence from Nabopolassar to Nabonidus.

At the time Nabonidus came to the throne a strong ruler was needed. The Medes had become bold under the preceding weak rulers of Babylonia, and had annexed the region of Haran. This was an act of aggression, which if unchecked could serve as an encouragement to further raids. Nabonidus, therefore, during his first regnal years considered it his first duty to reconquer Haran. By doing this he gave promise of becoming a strong and determined ruler. However, this expectation was not met, because the king seemed to have had too wide interests and too far-reaching plans. He was fond of the worship of the moon god Sin, and rebuilt the Sin temple of Haran, which had been in ruins since 610 B.C. He also erected sacred buildings in Ur, where he made his daughter priestess of Sin, was deeply interested in the ancient history of his nation, and dug up old records. Nevertheless, he seems to have recognized dangers that loomed to the east and took measures to meet them, among which is reckoned his campaign against Arabia, to be mentioned below.

In 553 B.C., while campaigning in eastern Palestine, he fell ill and went to the Lebanon to recuperate. He immediately summoned his son Belshazzar and entrusted the kingship to him, by which act he tried to guarantee the perpetuity of his royal house, and thus to make sure that no usurper would be put on the throne at Babylon during his absence. In this way he became free to carry out new plans of empire expansion. In the meantime, Belshazzar returned to Babylon and early in 552 (probably, see p. 95) ruled over the home provinces in the name of his father as coregent. This explains why, when he wanted to honor Daniel in a special way, he could offer him only the third place in the kingdom, the highest that it was in his power to give, since he himself occupied the second place (Dan. 5:16).

As soon as Nabonidus had recovered from his illness he began an invasion of northwestern Arabia and conquered the oasis of Tema, which was to become his residence for many years to come, and where he built large palaces. The real reason for this conquest is not known. Some historians have thought that Nabonidus went to Arabia in order to have a more secure capital in the event Mesopotamia were lost to the Iranian Medes and Persians, or because he was mentally ill and needed this place of seclusion. Whatever the reason may have been, Nabonidus stayed in Tema at least until his 11th regnal year, 545 B.C., and during this time carried out several successful raids against southern Arabian tribes.

In the meantime he had estranged himself completely from the leading elements of Babylonia, especially from the priests. His long absence from the capital caused the omission of several New Year feasts which ordinarily provided much lucrative revenue to the temples, and his favoritism for Sin resulted in a hostile Marduk priesthood. The administrative mismanagement of the domestic affairs by Belshazzar may have deepened the desire among many Babylonians to have a change of administration. The two rulers seem nevertheless to have had the reins of government so securely in their hands that no revolt was attempted. If it was attempted, we may reasonably conclude that it failed, since we have no records of it.

During the early years of Nabonidus' reign a new star arose in the eastern political sky, Cyrus, a vassal king of the Medes, known as the ruler of Persian tribes, and who called himself "king of Anshan." He rebelled against his Median lord Astyages and, after having taken the capital Ecbatana, deposed its king in 553 B.C. (or according to other sources in 550), about the time Nabonidus appointed Belshazzar as coregent. Danger from the eastern tribes was now felt to be more real than before, and when Croesus of Sardis, the king of Lydia, proposed an alliance to King Amasis of Egypt and to Nabonidus against the new eastern power, Nabonidus accepted gladly.

Following the maxim that an attack is the best defense, Croesus invaded Persian territory in 547 B.C., but misjudging his strength, lost capital and kingdom before his allies had time to organize and aid him against Cyrus.

The following years Cyrus consolidated his power in the empire which now reached from the Iranian plateau to the western coast of Asia Minor. When finally in 539 B.C., after further years of preparation, Cyrus felt the time had come to march against the weak empire of Nabonidus, there fell to him without any effort the rich eastern province of Gutium which bordered on Cyrus' territory and which formed the bulwark to the Median Wall built by Nebuchadnezzar to protect his empire against a possible invasion from the east. Nabonidus was naturally alarmed. Perhaps for his protection, or to deprive Cyrus of the help of local gods in the case of an invasion, he moved the statues of the various city gods to Babylon during the spring and summer of 539. Thus he increasingly embittered the local populations and priests, who felt that he was stealing their gods. His act also antagonized the priests of Babylon by increasing the religious competition in the capital, which was considered mainly the domain of the god Marduk.

When Cyrus was ready to march against Babylonia, Belshazzar had gathered his forces at Opis on the Tigris to meet the threat of invasion and to deny Cyrus a crossing of the river. In the ensuing battle the Babylonians suffered a disastrous defeat, and the Persians were able to push immediately through to Sippar on the Euphrates without finding any resistance. Cyrus captured this city without a fight on October 10, 539 B.C. Nabonidus himself fled in a southerly direction. Belshazzar returned to Babylon, about 35 miles south of Sippar, and trusting in its strong fortifications, remained in the city. It was here that, in a spirit of pride and arrogance and with a reckless feeling of security (PK 523), he spent his last evening with his concubines and friends in frivolous drinking, using the sacred vessels of Solomon's Temple (Dan. 1:5). On October 12, Babylon fell to Cyrus' forces, who, according to Herodotus, had diverted the Euphrates, which normally flowed through the city, and marched in unopposed. Belshazzar was slain. Nabonidus, who had fled south, apparently found his roads of escape already barred, and therefore returned to Babylon and committed himself to the mercy of his victorious enemy. According to a Greek report, his life was spared by the generous Cyrus, and he was placed as vassal ruler over the distant land of Carmania.

The empire of the Chaldeans thus came to an inglorious end after an existence of less than one century. Founded by a strong ruler, Nabopolassar, and enlarged and consolidated by his equally strong son Nebuchadnezzar, the empire had quickly fallen to pieces after the latter's death under a succession of weak rulers. The Neo-Babylonian Empire had unfolded a glory in material wealth which had rarely, if ever, existed before. For this reason it is compared to a "head of gold" in the prophetic picture of Nebuchadnezzar's dream (Dan. 2:38). However, it had all the time possessed the following inherent weaknesses, which materially aided and accelerated its fall:

1. The Babylonian nation was aged and had been held subject for so many centuries by Amorites, Kassites, Assyrians, and now the Aramaean Chaldeans, that it lacked some of the character traits which make a nation politically strong and healthy. 2. There were no common interests and bonds that bound the different nations of the empire to the Chaldean dynasty, even the Babylonians themselves being ethnic strangers to the Chaldeans, who formed the ruling class only. When these weaknesses were compensated for by the strength of the ruler, as, for example, Nebuchadnezzar, the empire seemed strong and healthy. However, under a weak ruler like Nabonidus, who absented himself for many years from his capital, who was more interested in the antiquities of his country than in its present needs, and who favored a provincial deity more than the national patron god, besides committing other foolish acts and political blunders, the synthetic Babylonian Empire could not remain intact.

III. The Empire of the Medes

With the Medes, and the Persians who succeeded them, people of Indo-European stock appear on the scene of world history. The only other ethnically related nations that had played important roles in history before were the Hittites and the people of Mitanni, who had flourished in the second millennium of the pre-Christian era. The Medes and Persians lived in the highland that lies between Mesopotamia and India, a rough country that produced a hardy and morally healthy and strong nation of warriors who were accustomed to hardships and privations. They called themselves Arianu, "nobles," and their land Ariana, or Iran, a name it still bears.

The first Iranian tribes by the name of Medes appear as hard-fighting barbarians in the records of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III in the middle of the 9th century b.c. Sargon II claims to have defeated and subjugated them in 715 B.C., mentioning Daiaukku as their ruler, a name Herodotus gives as Deikos (Deioces), to whom he attributes the founding of the Median kingdom, and whom he characterizes as a wise and righteous ruler. Deioces is also said to have caused the Median tribes to become a nation, and to have founded the capital Ecbatana. It is, however, difficult to identify the Deikos of Herodotus, who seems to have ruled from c. 700 to c. 647 B.C., with the Daiaukku of Sargon's records, and of course it is possible that two persons with the same name were involved.

Phraortes, the son of Deioces, ruled after his father's death for 22 years, from c. 647 to c. 625 B.C., and is credited with having subjugated the Persian tribes in the south. He lost his life fighting against Assyria.

Cyaxares, Phraortes' son, ruled over the Medes for 40 years, from c. 625 to c. 585 B.C. He became the ally of Nabopolassar of Babylon against Assyria, conquering Assur alone in 614, and Nineveh jointly with the Babylonians in 612 (see Vol. II, pp. 67, 93). The Babylonians absorbed the largest and most civilized part of the fallen Assyrian Empire, while the Medes seem to have been satisfied to inherit Assyria's northern and northeastern possessions. Cyaxares, who thus became the first great king of the Medes, is also credited by Herodotus with having defeated the Scythians, whose territory in Asia Minor then fell to him also.

During his last years Cyaxares had to fight against the Lydians, who, under Alyattes, the king of Sardis, had become the third power of Asia, and who wanted to be the masters of Anatolia. In the sixth year of their war it happened that "in the midst of the battle day turned suddenly into night." Convinced that the displeasure of the gods rested upon them, the two warring nations became willing to conclude a peace treaty. This was accomplished with the help of some mediators among whom is mentioned Labynetus of Babylon, probably Nabonidus (see p. 47). The solar eclipse on May 28, 585 B.C. (said to have been predicted by Thales of Miletus), which was responsible for the end of the war between the Medes and Lydians, provides one of the few fixed dates for battles of antiquity. The treaty concluded with Alyattes gave Cyaxares all Anatolian territory east of the river Halys, and was strengthened by the marriage of Astyages, Cyaxares' son, to Aryanis, the daughter of Alyattes.

Astyages, who ruled for more than 30 years (Herodotus says 35), from c. 585 to either 553/2 or 550 B.C., was the last real monarch of the Median Empire. Hardly anything is known of his long reign. The ancient historians who mention him speak of him only so far as he played a role in the affairs of Cyrus, whose grandfather he was, according to Greek sources. He had given his daughter Mandane to Cambyses I, the vassal king of the Persians at Anshan, but when his daughter had given birth to a child he seems to have been hounded by fear that Cyrus would take the throne from him. How much truth there is in the Greek legends which tell of Astyages' attempts to kill his grandson, is unknown. It is certain, however, that his fears had not been unfounded, because Cyrus rose up against his overlord c. 553 B.C. Twice he was defeated by the forces of Astyages, but in the third encounter the Median army commander Harpagus betrayed his lord and turned his forces over to Cyrus. Not later than 550 B.C. Cyrus was in possession of the Median capital Ecbatana. Also Astyages had fallen into Cyrus' hands, but seems to have received kind treatment, if we can believe the Greeks, who claim that he became governor of Hyrcania, south of the Caspian Sea.

When Cyrus took over the Median Empire no great changes were apparent in the outward structure of the state, because the Medes and Persians were closely related tribes, as were also, by intermarriage, the two royal houses. Hence we find the empire referred to by historians of antiquity and in contemporary documents of different countries as that of "the Medes and Persians," or many times simply as that of "the Medes," although, after Astyages' fall they played only a minor role in the affairs of state. The transition from the Median to the Persian Empire was therefore really a transition of power from one royal house to another, and a transition of offices held by Median nobles to the Persian nobility. From that time on, Persian nobility occupied first places in the administration of the government, although influential Medes were still employed, and were found throughout the Persian period in many important offices.

IV. The Persian Empire From Cyrus to Darius II

The Persian rulers of the empire period are called Achaemenid kings, since, with the exception of Darius III, all Persian monarchs claimed a certain Achaemenes as their ancestor. The inscriptions of Cyrus and Darius I provide information concerning the genealogy of the two families to which these two kings belonged, and which stem from Achaemenes and Teispes as the following diagram shows:

The sequence of the ruling kings from Achaemenes to Cyrus II is not definitely known, but it seems that most or all of those listed in the above genealogy held the throne in Persia for some time. The two ruling houses reigned either over different Persian tribes simultaneously or the rulership shifted from one house to another several times. The capital seems to have been Anshan, since the early Persian kings call themselves regularly "kings of Anshan," but its location has not definitely been established, although the proposal to identify it with Pasargadae in southwestern Iran seems to be the best made so far.

The only Persian ruler preceding Cyrus II mentioned in any extant contemporary records is Cyrus I. The inscriptions of the Assyrian king Ashurbanipal mention him as Kurash of Parsuash, who after hearing of the Assyrians' victory over Elam, sent his son Arukku, probably a brother of Cambyses I, with heavy gifts to Nineveh in order to offer himself as vassal of the Assyrian emperor. This event took place shortly after 639 B.C., the year in which Elam was conquered, but apparently before king Phraortes of the Medes subjugated the Persians and made their land part of his empire.

Cyrus the Great, c. 553-530 B.C.--The Greek historians discuss at length the adventures of young Cyrus, but it is hard to separate truth from legend, and history from folklore. However, it seems credible that Cyrus' mother, Mandane, was a daughter of Astyages, the last reigning monarch of Media, and that Cyrus himself had married Kasandane, the daughter of Astyages' son Cyaxares. For reasons that are not clear to us, Cyrus rebelled against his overlord and grandfather father Astyages, probably in 553 B.C. Cyrus, whose forces were twice beaten by Astyages, was eventually successful when Harpagus, the Median commander, betrayed his master and king, and went over to Cyrus, who by 550 B.C. had Ecbatana, the Median capital, and its king in his hand.

Although Cyrus assumed the actual and effectual kingship of the empire, he seems to have treated the Medes with deference. Astyages was sent to Hyrcania as governor of a province, and his son Cyaxares II was, according to Xenophon, put on the throne as a figurehead. Contemporary records are completely silent about the existence of Cyaxares II, but it is not impossible that Cyrus allowed the Median crown prince, who was also his father-in-law, to occupy the throne jointly with him to please the Medes. If so, this Cyaxares may have been the same king mentioned repeatedly in the book of Daniel under the name Darius the Mede (see Additional Note on Dan. 6).

During the following years Cyrus consolidated his power over his farflung empire, which reached from the borders of India in the east to the river Halys in central Asia Minor in the west. Our records tell us that he was engaged against hostile tribes east of the Tigris in 548 B.C., while preparing himself for the great test of strength that was soon to come. The cometlike rise of Cyrus to the rulership of the second largest empire of its time did not fail to make an impression on his contemporaries. Subjugated people put their hope in him. The Jews, for example, whose prophecies designated a Koresh, or Cyrus, as their future liberator (Isa. 44:28) must certainly have watched his rise to power with bated breath, as will be seen from the discussion in Section V of this article. But political leaders like Nabonidus of Babylonia, Amasis of Egypt, and Croesus of Lydia viewed Cyrus' emergence to power with grave misgivings, fearing for their own security and thrones. Hence, they banded themselves together by a treaty of mutual assistance.

That this fear had its valid reasons was demonstrated when Cyrus in the spring of 547 marched into the Upper Mesopotamian region lying between the river Khabur and the great bend of the Euphrates, to reoccupy a former Median province that Nabonidus had taken from the Medes. This was definitely an unfriendly act against the Babylonians, although it seems not to have resulted in any warlike actions between the forces of the two empires. Croesus, however, felt that something had to be done to meet the growing menace from the east, and being convinced that it is always advantageous to take the initiative, instead of waiting until the opponent takes it, the Lydian king crossed the Halys, and marched into Cyrus' territory. At Pteria the first battle with the Persians was fought in late summer of 547, but ended in a draw. Yet, Croesus deemed it prudent to retreat to his strong capital, Sardis, and await the arrival of his allies before taking further actions against Cyrus. He seems to have believed that Cyrus had been sufficiently weakened in the battle at Pteria so that he was no longer an immediate threat to him, and definitely did not expect the Persians to advance to the west, far from their home base, in the autumn with the severe Anatolian winter at the door.

Geniuses like Cyrus sometimes act irrationally, and do what prudent men consider to be folly. Their actions are therefore frequently unpredictable. Cyrus was of this class. Instead of returning to his home base for the winter and coming back in full strength the following year, he pressed forward and unexpectedly arrived before Sardis with his army. That Croesus had completely miscalculated his opponent, can also clearly be seen from the fact that he had dismissed his mercenaries and allowed them to spend the winter in their home towns. Croesus, trusting in the bravery of the Lydians, and the irresistible strength of his cavalry, dared to attack Cyrus immediately after his arrival. However, the ingenuity of the Persian king was once more demonstrated, when Cyrus quickly had his baggage camels mounted by his cavalrymen and thus awaited the attacking Lydians. The Lydian battle horses, accustomed neither to the appearance of those strange long-necked animals nor to their penetrating stench, shied away and turned back into the city. Very soon--between October and December, 547 B.C.--Sardis fell after a short siege, before the allies had an opportunity to come to Croesus' assistance. The Lydian king fell into the hands of Cyrus, who seems to have spared his opponent's life, although one source claims that Croesus was executed. Once more Cyrus had proved to the world that he was a man of destiny and surprises. Mixed were the feelings of his contemporaries when the news of his incredible victories reached the cities and villages of Babylonia. For the Jews in captivity this news must have sounded like sweet music, but the rulers in Babylon and Tema--Belshazzar and Nabonidus--must have been alarmed.

Nothing certain is known of Cyrus's activities during the six years that followed the conquest of Lydia. However, it is improbable that a man like Cyrus remained idle during those years. From Berossus, as quoted by Josephus, comes the report that Cyrus conquered all Asia before he marched against Babylon, and Xenophon knew of a campaign against Arabia during that time. Hence, we can conclude that Cyrus consolidated his control over the different parts of Asia Minor during the years of which contemporary sources are silent, and may also have encountered Nabonidus in Arabia, because this king claims in one text that he had personally "conquered his [Cyrus'] countries" and taken his possessions to his residence. It is uncertain whether this claim was a hollow boast, or whether Nabonidus had really defeated Cyrus at some time.

Whatever may have happened between the fall of Sardis (547) and 540 B.C., it is certain that by the end of 540 Cyrus had organized his empire into a well-knit unit and had built up a formidable army with which he was ready for the coming test of strength with Babylonia. Once more Cyrus' good fortune came unexpectedly to his help when the governor of Babylonia's easternmost province, Gutium, turned his land and people over to the Persians. Nabonidus, who had returned from Tema to Babylon, may have assisted his son Belshazzar, the commander in chief of all eastern forces, in the preparations for the unavoidable clash with Cyrus.

The great and decisive battle between the two empire forces took place at Opis on the Tigris, at or near the site of the later city of Seleucia (about 20 miles downstream from modern Baghdad), and close to the great wall of Nebuchadnezzar. The reasons for the disastrous defeat that the Babylonian army suffered at Opis are unknown. Our cryptic records tell us only that Cyrus succeeded in crossing the river Tigris and that he defeated the Babylonian army so decisively that all organized resistance suddenly ceased to exist, and the whole country lay open to the Persians. The victors immediately grasped the opportunities that offered themselves and lost no time in gaining the greatest possible profit from their victory. They followed the fleeing Babylonians to the west and the southwest, and were able to take Sippar, lying about 15 miles west of the Tigris, without battle on October 10, 539 B.C., and Babylon, which lay about 40 miles southwest of Opis, only two days later.

Nabonidus, who had been in Sippar just before the city fell, fled to the south, but for unknown reasons returned to Babylon a few days later and gave himself up to the Persians, who spared his life. After the battle of Opis, Belshazzar awaited his enemies behind the strong fortifications of Babylon. These, however, formed no protection for him. He seems to have had enemies inside Babylon who betrayed him and the city to the Persians. Thus "Ugbaru the governor of Gutium," who had, after the battle of Opis, marched directly toward Babylon, entered the city without a struggle on October 12, 539 B.C. Belshazzar, who had engaged in a night of drunken revelry and had literally seen "the handwriting on the wall," was slain, but there seems to have been little bloodshed otherwise. Contrary to usual customs, the city was spared destruction by the Persians, and soldiers were placed as guards at the temples and public buildings to guarantee an orderly continuation of the daily life in Babylon, and to prevent any looting or destruction of property.

Cyrus by his leniency proved himself to be a successful conqueror, not only of kingdoms and cities but also of the hearts of men. When he, some 17 days later (Oct. 29, 539 B.C.), personally entered the capital city, "all the inhabitants of Babylon ... kissed his feet, jubilant that he [had received] the kingship, and with shining faces. Happily they greeted him as a master through whose help they had come [again] to life from death [and] had all been spared damage and disaster, and they worshiped his [very] name".

Seldom had a great empire so easily been conquered, and even more seldom was a conqueror so readily accepted by those he had conquered as was Cyrus. The Chaldean ruling class, but especially Nabonidus, had alienated themselves so much from the Babylonians that they welcomed any change in government. The subjugated nations felt neither love nor loyalty toward their oppressors, but expected better days from the more humane rule of the Persians, who may have already given proof of their policies in those countries over which they had ruled for several years. Those policies had probably become known throughout the civilized world. Their mildness and reasonableness had caused Cyrus to gain the hearts of the peoples with little other effort on his part.

Cyrus was not only a great war lord and general, but also a wise ruler, who knew how to win the peace as well as wars. In his peaceful measures he proved his real greatness. The Assyrians and Babylonians had destroyed the cities of conquered nations and transplanted their populations to other parts of their realm, but Cyrus did not wish to follow their example and to destroy peoples in order to rule over their graves. He spared conquered cities, returned peoples previously moved from their homesteads, and enriched their wealth by measures that favored them economically. The Babylonian capital is an example. By his making Babylon one of his capitals, by his favoring Marduk, the Babylonians' chief god, and later by his declaring himself "King of Babylon," he endeared himself to the people. He also became popular by returning to their cities the various deities that Nabonidus had moved to Babylon, and by repairing or rebuilding local temples, one of which was that of Jerusalem. By doing this he did a favor to the Babylonians, who had hated to see the many strange gods and worshipers in their city, and he pleased beyond measure the citizens of those foreign cities and countries whose gods were returned, or whose destroyed temples were rebuilt.

He acted wisely by allowing local leaders to reign over their own peoples as governors of provinces under Persian supervision, and by refraining from imposing on the conquered nations the Persian way of life, religion, or language. These wise policies initiated by Cyrus were followed in general by his successors, although some violated these principles occasionally. However, the Persians generally made an honest attempt to honor local customs, religions, and laws. They also made use of the almost universally understood Aramaic as the official language of the empire.

It was therefore a great loss when Cyrus, only eight years after the fall of Babylon, died in a campaign against some tribes in eastern Iran, in August, 530 B.C.

Cambyses, 530-522 B.C.--Cyrus had designated his son Cambyses as successor on the throne, as we learn from several records. However, unlike his father, he was not a popular ruler. Of this fact he was well aware. Because of this, before he left for Egypt, he had his brother Bardiya, or Smerdis, secretly killed, fearing that a long absence from the capital might be used by his enemies to put Smerdis on the throne. When this murder later became known and a false Smerdis, claiming to have survived the plot, usurped the throne, this usurper was accepted by great sections of the empire, a clear proof of Cambyses' unpopularity.

We know little more of Cambyses than his Egyptian campaign. The conquest of the Nile country was the goal of his passionate ambitions. Historians disagree in their opinions as to whether Cambyses by his Egyptian campaign carried out his father's plans, or whether he made a mistake his father would never have made. It is possible that Cyrus had planned eventually to conquer Egypt, whose king Amasis was the only surviving member of the former triple alliance formed by the ruling heads of Babylonia, Lydia, and Egypt against Persia. As he had wisely consolidated his rule in conquered areas after each victory before he attacked others, he may have wanted to carry out a thorough consolidation of his power throughout the former Babylonian Empire before turning against Egypt. But he died before revealing what his plans were. It is, however, also possible that he had wisely refrained from overextending his commitments, while Cambyses, the son of a genius, may have felt that only new conquests could establish his name and fame.

When Cambyses marched against Egypt about the beginning of 525 B.C., Amasis had died and Psamtik III had come to the throne. Initially his campaign was unusually successful. He enjoyed the collaboration of the Phoenician cities, including Tyre, and the island of Cyprus, who put their navies at his disposal. Also Polycrates of Samos exchanged his alliance with Egypt for one with Persia. Phanes, a general of Egyptian mercenary forces, left Psamtik and went over to Cambyses, assisting him in his campaign against his former lord, especially by guiding the Persian army safely through the desert to the Delta. The first battle took place at Pelusium, where Psamtik's mercenary army suffered a grave defeat. Cambyses immediately advanced toward Memphis and took the city after a siege. He was also successful in capturing the Pharaoh, who had reigned for less than six months.

Libya and Cyrenaica submitted voluntarily to the Persians, but a campaign into the western desert failed because of tremendous losses. Another campaign against Ethiopia, the name which was given to Nubia, was successful, but also very costly. Thus all Egypt and its dependencies were brought into the family of nations of which the Persian Empire was composed. To gain the good will of the Egyptians, Cambyses assumed the titles and performed the ceremonial functions of a Pharaoh. He organized Egypt into a strong satrapy, which remained securely in the hands of his deputies even during the years when the greatest part of the empire was in turmoil.

Herodotus describes certain cruelties against the Egyptians and insults to their gods, but his reports in this respect are certainly exaggerated. Some think that they reflect a change of policy after Cambyses' reverses. At least the Greek historian's narratives reveal the hatred the Egyptians felt against the conqueror. It is true that Cambyses destroyed certain Egyptian temples--perhaps those in which agitation against his regime was carried on--although there are also records that he favored certain temples and made grants to them. For example, he provided for the cleansing of the temple of Neith at Sa‹s and guaranteed the expenses for the festivals in honor of that goddess.

Cambyses left Egypt in 522 B.C. when he received word that a man claiming to be his brother Bardiya (Smerdis) had usurped the throne. The new claimant was widely recognized in the Persian home provinces, Babylonia, and elsewhere. While passing through Syria, Cambyses suddenly died, either by suicide or as the result of an accident. Since he left no heir, the false Smerdis' throne seemed to be established. However, his reign lasted only a little more than six months, until Darius, a distant relative of Cambyses, killed him and ascended the throne himself.

Darius I, 522-486 B.C.--Concerning the manner of Darius' accession to the throne we are well informed through that king's long inscription on the rock of Behistun, which served as a key for the decipherment of cuneiform scripts in the 19th century (see Vol. I, pp. 98, 110). Here, Darius records for posterity the account of how a Magian by the name of Gaumata had usurped the throne, and had made the people believe that he was Smerdis, the son of Cyrus, whom Cambyses had supposedly killed. He says further that Persia, Media, and the other countries had accepted him even before Cambyses' death, and that Smerdis destroyed certain unnamed sanctuaries, by doing which he apparently initiated a policy directed against the policies of his predecessors. One of the policies of the false Smerdis, during his short reign, was the destruction of temples. With such a king on the throne, it is not hard to see how the enemies of the Jews could stop the rebuilding of the Temple of Jerusalem, which had been slowly proceeding ever since Cyrus had given the permission to build it.

Although Darius, with the help of some faithful supporters, succeeded in killing the false Smerdis, called Bardiya in Babylonian documents, and in gaining the throne for himself, thus bringing it back to the Achaemenid house, it took a long time and more fighting before he was finally recognized throughout the empire. He himself mentions 19 battles fought against opponents, and 9 kings captured, before he could feel secure in the possession of the throne. Among these opponents were two pretenders in Babylon, one rising up after the other, and both claiming to be sons of Nabonidus. The turmoil into which Persia was thrown after the false Smerdis' usurpation and Cambyses' death, lasted almost two years. But Darius finally emerged as the victor over all his enemies and undisputed ruler of the greatest empire the world had ever seen. That empire reached from the Indus in the east to the Hellespont in the west, and from Mt. Ararat in the north to Nubia in the south. After Darius had crushed all opposition to his rule he began a reign of peace that lasted for almost 30 years, and that gained him the well-deserved title, "the Great."

Manifold were his peaceful deeds that promoted welfare and happiness in the countries belonging to his empire. In Egypt, Darius had the canal finished between the Nile and the Red Sea, which Necho II had started to dig many years earlier. On the coastal road between Egypt and Palestine watering stations were built, and a very efficient postal system (for government dispatches) throughout the empire was organized with relay stations for horses and riders at regular intervals. The appointment of natives to responsible offices in the provincial administrations and of royal support of the religious practices and cults of subject nations gained for the king much good will. Numerous inscriptions from Egypt show how many temples Darius reopened or repaired in the Nile land and how he supported the Egyptian priesthood with rich gifts, so that he is called there "the friend of all gods." This benevolent attitude, known also from Greek records, with regard to sanctuaries and cults of his western provinces is furthermore evident in regard to the Jews. His friendly decree not only allowed them to finish the building of their Temple, but guaranteed them financial aid for their religious services (Ezra 6:6-12). Further, he allowed his subjects to live according to their own laws, as can be seen, for example, from his dealings with Egypt. He commanded that all Egypt's laws should be collected and published. Because of this the Egyptians called him their sixth lawgiver.

From all of his dealings with his subject nations a systematic effort is discernible to continue the policies of Cyrus and to create good will by a beneficent rule. The religious feelings of other nations were protected by him, their cults supported and encouraged, and their national peculiarities and customs wisely tolerated.

Darius was nevertheless a strong ruler who held his empire together with determination and prudence in true Oriental fashion. He formed the center of the empire and concentrated the glory and wealth of the nation in his palaces at Persepolis and Susa (Shushan). He had 15,000 people fed daily at his palace gates, and introduced a court ceremonial that had the purpose of instilling in his subjects an awe toward his person. Whoever approached him uninvited was liable to lose his life, and those who were allowed to appear before him had to throw themselves on the ground and keep their hands in their sleeves in the attitude of a helpless person. His will was law for all of his subjects, great and small. He chose his wives from the houses of the Persian nobles, and bound these nobles to his throne by giving to them in marriage his sons and daughters. The sons of noble Persians were educated at the palace and were his personal pages. They were taught the national virtues, the speaking of truth, horse riding, hunting, and archery. From these men the highest officers of the realm were chosen. They remained the strongest supporters of the throne after they had spent their youth in the wealth and glory of the court life and had become personally attached to the person of the king.

Darius introduced also a uniform currency by means of a gold coin, called after his name dareikos (daric). Coins had been used by the Lydians since the 7th century b.c., but their use had been rather limited, mostly to the Greek-speaking nations. Now Darius adopted a similar system for the whole empire. The dareikos had the value of about 20 silver shekels, and its minting was a royal monopoly, but the coining of silver and bronze currency was left to the various provincial governments.

The proverbial honesty of the Persians was also a great blessing to the empire. Their religion required them to be truthful in their utterances, and to care for the welfare of the countries in which they lived. Hence, the Persians laid out beautiful parks, called by the Greeks paradeisoi (a Persian loan word; see further on Gen. 2:8), in many large cities and did much to protect forests and promote good agricultural practices and methods.

After Darius had reigned peacefully for about 20 years, he entered a decade politically clouded. Wars against the Greeks were fought with changing fortunes until the empire's defeat by the Hellenes. The seeds for these wars had been sown in Darius' first European expedition against the nomadic Sycthians in 513 B.C. This expedition was undertaken to defeat these barbaric tribes in their motherland to prevent their continual raids on his possessions in Asia Minor. He occupied Thrace, lying between the Hellespont and Mecedonia, with its Greek cities, then moved into Scythia, where the people desolated their own land and fled, but harassed Darius' army until he retreated. In 500 B.C., however, came the Ionian revolt led by Miletus. This revolt spread to many of the Greek cities over which Darius ruled. When Sardis, the center of the Persian administration in Asia Minor, was burned, Darius was furious, and swore never to forget or forgive the crime. It would lead too far afield to follow in this brief historical article the different phases of the Greek revolt and the Persian countermoves. Suffice it to say that the mighty city of Miletus, the center of the revolt, was destroyed in 494 B.C. and thus the burning of Sardis was avenged.

Darius, however, wanted also to punish the Athenians for their part in the uprising, and therefore started his wars against the Greek mainland. The first expedition in 492 B.C. failed because half of his fleet was destroyed by a storm at the promontory of Mt. Athos. Since Athens and Sparta continued to refuse subjection to Persian rule, a second expedition was sent out against Greece in 490 B.C., only to be disastrously defeated at Marathon. The loss of prestige the Persians thus suffered was greater than the loss in material or men, as can be seen from the fact that in 487 B.C., three years after the battle at Marathon, the Egyptians revolted and drove the Persians out of their country. Darius did not live to see the restoration of Persian rule in Egypt or the revenge of his defeat at Marathon. He died an aged and disillusioned man in November, 486 B.C. leaving the empire to his son Xerxes.

Xerxes, 486-465 B.C.--Darius had acceded to the desire of Atossa, the daughter of Cyrus, and appointed her son Xerxes as his successor, although he was not the eldest son. According to Herodotus, the new king was a handsome man who had no equal among the Persians in beauty or bodily strength. However, neither as military leader nor as monarch was he a worthy successor of Cyrus or Darius. He suffered grave defeats, but love adventures and harem intrigues seem to have interested him more than politics and affairs of government. His character was unstable and vacillating but not basically bad. He was certainly not the ridiculous figure that the Greeks, who hated him, made him out to be.

Xerxes' first task after his accession to the throne was the suppression of the Egyptian revolt. In 485 B.C., he marched into Egypt and reconquered the land in a short campaign. Egypt, which had bravely but unsuccessfully defended its liberty, was brought into a much "harder servitude" than before the revolt and placed under the iron rule of Xerxes' brother Achaemenes. For nearly 25 years no trouble arose for the Persians in the Nile country.

Probably in 482, only two years after the Egyptian revolt was crushed, two serious revolts broke out in Babylon. The first one was led by Bel-shimanni in August. After its breakdown a second revolt was led by Shamash-eriba in September of the same year. Xerxes commissioned his young son-in-law Megabyzos to quench these revolts with an iron hand. Babylon, which had been spared destruction by Cyrus because of its importance as the cultural center of the world of his time, was cruelly punished for its disloyalty. It was probably in this year that Xerxes had the city's fortifications destroyed, as well as its palaces and temples, including the glorious temple Esagila with its famous ziggurat (temple tower) Etemenanki. The golden statute of Marduk, whose hands every king, including the Persian monarchs, had grasped annually on the Babylonian New Year's Day, in order to be confirmed as "king of Babylon," was deported to Persia and the kingdom of Babylon combined with the province of Assyria. The proud title "king of Babylon" was never used again. Babylon, "the glory of kingdoms, the beauty of the Chaldees' excellency," was destroyed, never to be restored to its former glory, although it remained a city, still partly in ruins, until long after Alexander's day (see on Isa. 13:19). The prophecies uttered more than two centuries earlier by Isaiah (ch. 13:19-22) were finally beginning to be fulfilled, and the proud nation received its reward for the pride, arrogance, and cruelty it had displayed in dealing with subjugated nations. The records of Nippur in Mesopotamia have revealed that a few years later much land was in the hands of Persians. This fact seems to indicate that Xerxes confiscated the estates of many wealthy Babylonians and handed them over to Persian nobles. That the Babylonian Jews also profited from these measures is equally evident from the cuneiform records and will be discussed in Section V of this article.

In his wars with the Greeks, Xerxes was dogged by ill fortune. For a long time the king appeared to hesitate, seemingly undecided whether to continue the wars of his father against Greece or limit his rule to Asia. Herodotus tells how one faction of his counselors, led by his uncle Artabanus, was in favor of peace, while another one, whose champion was Mardonius, wanted war, and that the war party finally gained the king's support and preparations for a new expedition were made throughout the empire. Some think that his slowness was due to methodical preparation. The invasion of Greece started with the crossing of the Hellespont in 480 B.C. It would lead too far afield to describe the well-known third Greco-Persian war in this article, and follow the imperial forces to Artemisium and the Pass of Thermopylae, where the brave Greeks under Leonidas fought one of the most famous rear-guard actions of history. The Persians took Athens, which had been forsaken by the Athenians, but lost the naval battle at Salamis, and had to return as a defeated army.

More disastrous than the campaign of 480 B.C. was that of the following year (479 B.C.) when Xerxes' forces, led by Mardonius, suffered in one day a double defeat, at Plataea, in Greece, and at the promontory of Mycale on the coast of Asia Minor. The Persians left Greece and and limited their rule henceforth to the Asian mainland, but even there the Greeks proved their superiority as soldiers, when, under their leader Cimon, they defeated the Persians on the river Eurymedon in Pamphylia. On one day in 466 B.C., 14 years after their great defeats in Greece, the Persian army, navy, and 80 Phoenician auxiliary ships were destroyed. Concerning this battle a Greek poet could claim that "since the sea has separated Asia from Europe, and since the stormy Ares has ruled over men's cities, no equal deed accomplished by humans has ever occurred on land or sea."

Xerxes' prestige must have suffered tremendously through the various catastrophes that the imperial forces experienced, but the king seems not to have been greatly disturbed about this situation. Yet, the serious debacle on the Eurymedon may have occasioned the plot against the king's life, led by his mighty vizier Artabanus. Earlier plots, one of which is mentioned in the book of Esther (ch. 2:21-23), had been unsuccessful, but this last one succeeded, and Xerxes fell under the hands of murderers in a palace revolution.

Artaxerxes I, 465-423 B.C.--Artabanus, Xerxes' confidant and powerful vizier, seems to have killed the king in the hope of ascending the throne himself. After having Xerxes put out of the way and thinking that he would easily control the younger prince Artaxerxes, whose weak character he well knew, he accused the crown prince Darius of having murdered his father. Artaxerxes believed the story and therefore gave Artabanus permission to kill Darius, but when he learned from his brother-in-law, Megabyzos, who the true murderer of his father was, he slew the mighty and dangerous courtier.

Like his father Xerxes, the new young ruler was no strong leader or general. If the crown had not possessed a strong supporter in the unselfish Megabyzos, Artaxerxes might not have kept the throne for very long. He lived in his palace cities most of the time, had his wars fought by his generals, was ruled by his mother and wife, and was usually undecided what policies he should follow. Since he was easily persuaded by influential counselors to do good or bad, his word could never be relied on. It was remarkable that the empire was held together so well during his reign.

The Persian debacle at the river Eurymedon in 465 B.C. and the murder of Xerxes in the same year were probably the reason for new uprisings in the northeastern and southwestern parts of the empire--Bactria and Egypt. The revolt in Bactria was not so serious and could easily be suppressed, but the situation was different in Egypt. A Libyan ruler, Inarus, son of a Psamtik, gained control of the Delta (463 or 462 B.C.) and made Mareia, an old border fortress in the northwestern Delta, his headquarters. A battle against the Persians took place at Papremis, in which the imperial forces were defeated and the satrap Achaemenes was slain. His body was sent to Persia by Inarus. However, the Persians were able to hold Memphis and Upper Egypt, and retained some connections with their homeland via the Wadi Hammamat in southern Egypt and the Red Sea.

The situation in which they were became more desperate, however, when the Athenians came to the aid of Inarus in 460 B.C. and took most of Memphis, pushing the remaining Persian garrison into the citadel. Preparations for an expedition against Inarus were made in Persia, but took a long time because of other, though lesser, troubles in different parts of the empire. In the meantime Artaxerxes tried to keep friendly those nations on whose help and good will a campaign against distant Egypt depended. To these belonged the Phoenicians, and various nations in Syria and Palestine, like the Jews. The concessions made to Ezra and the Jews in 457 B.C. may have been connected with this policy of befriending various nations at this time.

Finally Megabyzos marched into Egypt in 456 B.C. The Egyptians and Athenians were beaten at Memphis and those who escaped from the debacle fled to the island of Prosopitis, where their situation soon became hopeless, since Megabyzos, aided by the Phoenician fleet, was in full control of the river. The defenders were nevertheless able to hold the island for a year and a half until it was stormed in the summer of 454 B.C. Inarus escaped to a fortress in the Delta, but finally surrendered to Megabyzos after the latter had guaranteed his life. The western Delta, however, remained in the hands of an Egyptian dynast, Amyrtaeus, who had belonged to Inarus' followers. It is not known what the Persians did against him or whether they succeeded in reconquering that section of Egypt. The reconquered portion of the country was placed under the prince Arsham (Arsames), a rich Persian who possessed large estates in Babylonia and elsewhere, and who ruled over the Nile country for almost half a century. A wealth of information about his administration is available in Aramaic, Babylonian, and Greek documents.

Inarus, trusting in the words of a Persian, had given himself up to Megabyzos, and was sent to Persia. A few years later, Artaxerxes' mother persuaded the king to have him killed in revenge for the death of Achaemenes. Megabyzos, who ruled over the large satrapy "Beyond the River," which covered all territories lying between the Euphrates and Egypt, was so indignant at this breach of faith that he broke with his royal brother-in-law, and revolted about 450 B.C. Two armies sent against him were beaten by the able general, and the situation in which Artaxerxes found himself became serious.

It was also during this time that the Persian fleet suffered a grave defeat in the naval battle against the Athenians, near Salamis, on Cyprus. Since the very existence of the empire seemed to be at stake, Artaxerxes, tired of the long and aimless war, made peace with the Greeks in 448 B.C. This peace of Cimon, as it is called, gave the Persians freedom from Athenian interference in Cyprus and Egypt, and freed the Greek cities on the coast of Asia Minor from the payment of tribute. Also a compromise was reached between Artaxerxes and the mighty Megabyzos, since there seemed to be no chance of removing him by force. He was pardoned by the court and retained his high office as satrap of "Beyond the River." How all these serious events had their repercussions in the province of Judea, which lay in Megabyzos' satrapy, has already been indicated above, and will be discussed more in detail in Section VI of this article.

Little is known of the last 20 years of Artaxerxes' rule, in which the empire does not seem to have been seriously shaken by calamities of any consequence. The king remained a weak ruler and a despot who acted according to his moods--good or bad.

Darius II, 423-405/4 B.C.--When Artaxerxes died toward the end of his 41st regnal year, probably in February, 423, chaotic conditions prevailed once more. Xerxes, the eldest son, came to the throne as Xerxes II, but was killed after a few weeks by Secydianus, one of his half brothers, aided by some eunuchs. But the assassin could not keep the throne and was soon put out of the way by another half brother, Ochus, who became king as Darius II. Being a weakling, he was completely governed by Parysatis, who was his wife and sister, a woman of treacherous and cruel character. With some eunuchs she actually reigned over the empire and brought disgrace on it through a series of shameful, bloody crimes.

The result of these conditions was a contempt for royal authority throughout the kingdom and a series of revolts that plunged the government into one crises after another. One of these revolts should be mentioned. It was led by Arsites, a brother of the king, who was followed by the satrap of Syria, Artyphius, a son of Megabyzos. Both of them, trusting the word of Parysatis and Darius, finally surrendered, but were perfidiously and cruelly put to death.

During his last two years Darius was troubled by sickness, unrest in Egypt, and a domestic quarrel about the succession to the throne after his impending departure. After Inarus' unsuccessful revolt Egypt had borne its humiliating position with resignation. But the obvious and increasing weakness of the Persian government and the continuous unrest throughout the empire caused Egyptian nationalists to take heart again and to rise up against their oppressors. The revolt came fully into the open at the time of Darius' death, with the proclamation of Amyrtaeus as king of Egypt. The movement of liberation started in the Delta and succeeded slowly. It was not until the turn of the century that all Egypt was wrested from the Persians, as we know from the Brooklyn Aramaic papyri (published in 1953), to be discussed in Section VII of this article.

With Darius II's death in 405 or 404 B.C. and the accession of his eldest son, Artaxerxes II, Persian history enters the period for which no Biblical records are available. This Intertestamental Period, as it is called, will be discussed in an article in Vol. V of this commentary. Also, the Jewish documents from Egypt, to be discussed in Section VII of this article, become silent during the early years of Artaxerxes' reign; therefore this sketch of the Persian history ends here.

The Religion of the Persians.--The original religion of the Persians was closely related to that common to all Aryan nations, like Mitanni of northern Mesopotamia in the 2d millennium b.c., or Media and India of later times. The Aryans were polytheists and their main gods were deities of nature, the sky god, called by the Persians Ahura-Mazda, "wise lord" (the Indian Varuna, lord of heaven), Mithra the god of light and of treaties, Indra the old Aryan storm god, and the horse-driving twins, both named Nasatya. The priests of this popular religion were the Magi, descending, according to Herodotus, from an old Median tribe that had taken possession of the priesthood, and held a monopoly over all religious rites and sacrifices.

A great religious change was caused by Zarathustra (Zoroaster), the founder of a new Persian monotheistic religion. The time of his activity is unknown. Every century from the 11th to the 6th has been proposed as the age in which Zoroaster lived. It seems more plausible that he lived in the latter part of this period than in the earlier centuries, probably during Cyrus' reign or just before. One basis for this view is that Darius I, who was an ardent follower of the new religion, claims that Gaumata, the false Smerdis, who had belonged to the Magi, had destroyed temples which in the first place must have been Zoroastrian sanctuaries, and which were thorns in the flesh of the Magi. This statement of Darius I thus indicates that the new religion to which the Magi were hostile already existed in the time of Cambyses, and possessed sanctuaries for its religious services.

Zoroaster's one god is Ahura-Mazda (or Ormazd), "the wise lord," the main principle of everything good, the wise creator spirit, who reveals himself in light and fire. Pure spirits serve him as the Biblical angels serve God. The evil principle is embodied in Angra Mainyu, the chief of all demons, who adds evil to that which the god of light creates. Man is involved in this fight of the spiritual powers and has the task of leading the good principle to victory. Hence the Zoroastrians appreciated purity and truth, and despised every kind of falsehood. By purity Zoroaster understood health, life, strength, honesty, loyalty, agriculture, cattle breeding, protection of useful animals, and destruction of vermin, which were considered to be a creation of the evil one. Defilement was caused by laziness, dishonesty, or the touch of a corpse. Zoroaster thus elevated the code of ethics of his people and educated the Iranian peasants to become the bearers of a high culture, which spread throughout the empire.

Whether Cyrus and Cambyses were still worshipers of the old Iranian gods of nature or already followers of Zoroaster is not definitely known, though it seems to be rather certain that they were strongly influenced by the new religion. The false Smerdis, a former Magian, must have belonged to the old religious clan, because Darius speaks of him in a contemptuous way for having destroyed sanctuaries, which Zoroastrians like Darius used as places of worship. Darius I, Xerxes, and Artaxerxes I were pure Zoroastrians, and the only god ever invoked in their Persian inscriptions is Ahura-Mazda.

Toward other religions a great tolerance was shown, and concessions were readily made toward other people with regard to their religious customs and rites, although Zoroaster himself had rejected all other gods. This tolerance toward other religious groups shows that the Persian kings were wise rulers, who were anxious to create good will among their subjects belonging to many different ethnic and religious groups. The monotheism of the Jews seems to have been especially attractive to the Persians, for which reason great concessions were made to them. This is evidenced by the various royal decrees found in Ezra-Nehemiah, and by the Jewish documents that have come to light in Elephantine (Egypt).

When the Persian Empire passed its peak, a relaxation in the religious purity of the Persians becomes noticeable. Under Darius II, but especially under Artaxerxes II, many of the old national gods were reintroduced and received a place beside Ahura-Mazda. Also the fire, and haoma, an intoxicating drink forbidden by Zoroaster, were once more worshiped as divinities. But this development took place in the 4th century b.c. which goes beyond the time limits of this article.

V. The Jews in Exile

After the Jews had been deported by Nebuchadnezzar in smaller and larger groups over a period of about a quarter of a century (Dan. 1:1-3; 2 Kings 24:16; 25:11; Jer. 52:28-30) the majority of the citizens of the former kingdom of Judah lived in exile in Babylonia. The nobility, intelligentsia, military, professionals, and many of the farmers had been taken captive and moved to Mesopotamia. They lived in cities and towns of which some are mentioned in the books of Daniel, Ezekiel, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther (Babylon, Shushan, Tel-abib, Addon [Addan], Cherub, Immer, Casiphia, Tel-harsa, and Tel-melah), and also probably in rural districts.

During the early years of their exile a large number of the Jews may have been slaves and some may have had a hard life. Yet, the Babylonian laws made provision for a slave to earn his liberty in various ways, and the progressive Jews must have taken advantage of every opportunity that offered itself to regain their individual freedom. Ezekiel, who had been taken captive in 597 B.C., could speak six years later of "mine house" (Eze. 8:1), and the admonition of Jeremiah to the deported Jews to build houses and plant gardens in Babylonia (Jer. 29:5-7) would not have made sense if such had not been possible.

In the 37th year of the captivity of Jehoiachin (561 B.C.), he was released from prison by Amel-Marduk, Nebuchadnezzar's son, and apparently received honorable treatment from then on (2 Kings 25:27-30; Jer. 52:31-34). The very fact the Babylonians released Jehoiachin without fear of any unrest or anti-Babylonian agitation, reveals that the Jews must have gained the respect of their masters and been considered decent and respectable citizens. In the course of time some of the Jews came to honor and office in the government, and others gained a place in the business and professional world. The books of Daniel, Ezra, Nehemiah, and Esther reveal how exiles penetrated every branch of government, and even occupied the highest offices in the life of the state. Jews were royal doorkeepers, cupbearers, provincial governors, and royal counselors (Esther 2:19; 10:3; Neh. 2:1; 5:14; etc.). Their rapid ascent in the social life of the empire may have caused the hatred they encountered in the time of Xerxes (described in Esther).

But the Bible is not the only source from which we learn of the social and material rise of the Jews in the land of their captivity. Documents discovered during the excavations of Nippur by the expedition of the University of Pennsylvania also provide light. The archives of a great banking firm in the city of Nippur, "Murashu Sons," which consist of many thousands of clay tablets, allow us to look into the business life of this important city. Although these documents come from the time of Artaxerxes I and Darius II, hence actually from a period after the Exile, they provide valuable information from which conclusions in regard to earlier periods can be drawn. We find that among the clients of "Murashu Sons" were many Jews, who formed a wealthy and influential minority in Nippur and the surrounding country. They appear in these documents as tenants, as creditors with large sums of money, even as inspectors in the office of revenue, and administrative heads of districts. These documents from Nippur support data in Daniel or Ezra, where we read of Jews occupying important offices in Babylonia and Persia.

The Jews not only were progressive in a material way, but experienced also a spiritual change during the years of the Exile. The common misery, the national disaster, the loss of homeland, Temple, and freedom, caused the exiles to seek spiritual values, and to listen to religious leaders more than they had done in the old homeland. For example, the Jews abandoned idolatry after the Exile, a sin into which their fathers had periodically fallen, and which had been one of the main causes for the great catastrophes that struck them in the 7th and 6th centuries b.c. Men like Daniel and Ezekiel must have played influential roles as spiritual educators of the people. To them the Jewish leaders came for instruction from the Word of God (Eze. 8, 14, 20).

Many Jews undoubtedly studied the venerated books of their prophets, which they had brought to Babylonia from their homeland, and compared the inspired words of Isaiah and Jeremiah with the signs of the times. That this statement is true can be gathered from Daniel, who had learned "by books the number of the years" of the captivity of his people, mentioning as his source "Jeremiah" (Dan. 9:2). This text shows also that the faithful Bible-reading Jews believed in the fulfillment of these prophecies. They had witnessed the literal fulfillment of prophecies pronounced against tyrannical nations like Assyria, and had also seen incredible predictions about the doom of Jerusalem come true. Now, the faithful ones among the Jews waited to see the fulfillment of prophecies in regard to Babylon, in regard to the rise of a man by the name of Cyrus, and in regard to the restoration of their own nation. They read that their prophet Isaiah had predicted the rise of the Aryans more than a century before they played any role in history:

"Behold, I am stirring up the Medes against them [the Babylonians], who have no regard for silver and do not delight in gold" (Isa. 13:17, RSV). Because of the weakness of Babylonia after Nebuchadnezzar's death, the prophecies uttered by Isaiah (chs. 13, 14 and 21) and Jeremiah (ch. 50:2, 3, 10, 11) against Babylon must have gained a new meaning. During the early years of their captivity no one may have known from where the liberator described in Isa. 44 and 45 might come, but when the reports reached the exiled Jews toward the middle of the 6th century b.c. that Cyrus, the hitherto unknown prince of the Persian tribes of Iran, had overthrown the Median Empire, the Jews must have become keenly interested. Did not the Scriptures mention a man by the name of Cyrus?

"Thus says the Lord to his anointed, to Cyrus,

whose right hand I have grasped,

to subdue nations before him

and ungird the loins of kings,

to open doors before him

that gates may not be closed:

`I will go before you

and level the mountains,

I will break in pieces the doors of bronze

and cut asunder the bars of iron,

I will give you the treasures of darkness

and the hoards in secret places,

that you may know that it is I, the Lord,

the God of Israel, who call you by your name.

For the sake of my servant Jacob,

and Israel my chosen,

I call you by your name,

I surname you, though you do not know me'"(Isa. 45:1-4, RSV).

These words could not be misunderstood. They clearly revealed from whom the Jews could expect their liberation, and named the man who would permit them to return to their homeland after the expiration of the 70-year captivity prophesied by Jeremiah (chs. 25:11, 12; 29:10; see also Isa. 44:28).

It is therefore not surprising that the people watched Cyrus' cometlike rise to power with bated breath. It must have been an exhilarating time for the enslaved and exiled nation, a time of tension, great hopes, and far-reaching expectations. It was also a time in which serious men like Daniel prayed more earnestly and searched themselves more thoroughly to remove every hidden sin from their lives, so God's plans for His people might succeed (see Dan. 9).

Babylon fell to Cyrus' forces without a pitched battle, and a man of the Jewish nation, Daniel, whose unselfish service under the Babylonians was known to the new rulers, received a highly influential position in the new administration (Dan. 6:3). Although many of his colleagues hated him, Daniel was able to hold his own, and succeeded in gaining Cyrus' ear in regard to his people's aspirations. When he made the new monarch acquainted with the prophecies of Isaiah, and Cyrus saw how clearly he had been described by an inspired pen more than a century before his birth, he must have come under the spell of such divine utterances. He willingly granted the request of Daniel to allow the Jews to return to their homeland and to rebuild their Temple, prefacing his decree with the significant admission, "The Lord God of heaven hath given me all the kingdoms of the earth; and he hath charged me to build him an house" (Ezra 1:2). This decree marked the end of the Jewish captivity.

VI. The Restoration of the Jews

The Return and Temple Building Under Cyrus and Cambyses.--The decree of Cyrus, which marked the beginning of a new period in the history of Jewry, was issued at Ecbatana in his first regnal year (Ezra 1:1). This, if reckoned from the fall of the Babylonian Empire according to the Jewish method, from autumn to autumn, could be in the summer of 537 B.C. (see pp. 96, 97).

The decree was issued in two forms. One was to be publicly proclaimed (2 Chron. 36:23; Ezra 1:2-4). The second one was rather a document of directives for official use only. The public decree provided for (1) the rebuilding of the Temple at Jerusalem, (2) the return of all captive Hebrews to Judea on a voluntary basis, and (3) the contribution of financial assistance to the returning Jews by their compatriots who chose to remain behind, as well as by their Gentile friends. The official decree, on the other hand, (1) contained directives and exact specifications concerning the planned new Temple, (2) made provisions for the covering of the building expenses by royal funds, and (3) gave a command to return to the Jews the available vessels of the former Temple (Ezra 6:3-5). There was a reason why the contents of the decree that was not publicly announced were not included in the public one. Some of the provisions were not important for the public; also, an announcement of the fact that the king was willing to bear the expenses might have discouraged the making of financial offerings by the Jews and their friends.

Cyrus also appointed a Jew of royal blood, named Sheshbazzar or Zerubbabel, to be the governor of the province of Judea, which was part of the satrapy "Beyond the River," that great division of the empire that comprised all lands lying between the river Euphrates and Egypt. To this new governor were given all the vessels of the old Jerusalem Temple that were found in Babylon. In conjunction with Jeshua (or Joshua), a descendant of the last officiating high priest of the Solomonic Temple, and 9 or 10 other leading men (Ezra 2:2; Neh. 7:7), Zerubbabel made all preparations for the return to the old homeland. More than 42,000 exiles entered in the official list gave answer to the call of Cyrus and were willing to return to Judea.

The detailed list given in Ezra 2 reveals that most Jews had been able to save their genealogical documents throughout their captivity and thus could prove their rights and titles in their homeland. The returning nonecclesiastical exiles are classified in 17 family units numbering from about 100 to almost 3,000 men each, and 15 groups were listed according to town units, of which the smallest numbered 42 men and the largest 1,254. Besides these there was one group called "the children of Senaah," 3,630 men, which may have consisted of poor people (see on Ezra 2:35), and 652 men who had lost all their documents by which they could have proved their rights in the Jewish congregation. Of the ecclesiastical exiles more than 4,000 priests belonging to 4 families joined Zerubbabel, and also an unknown number of priests belonging to 3 families who could not prove their rights to the priesthood. In contrast to the great number of priests (4,389) it is significant that only a small number of lower Temple personnel (733) were willing to return. The reason for this reluctance may have lain in the fact that Ezekiel had predicted that the Levites would be degraded in the future Temple service to comparatively low manual work because of their apostasy in the pre-exilic period (Eze. 44:9-16). Furthermore, we find the returning Jews accompanied by about 7,500 servants and singers (Ezra 2:64, 65).

If the decree of Cyrus was issued in the summer or autumn of 537 B.C. (see pp. 96, 97), the journey was probably started in the spring of the following year, 536 B.C., since this was the usual season for traveling. The Mesopotamian armies had customarily left their homeland for foreign campaigns in the spring. Ezra started his return journey, some 80 years later, in the spring, arriving at Jerusalem about 31/2 months after his departure from Babylonia. The large caravan of Zerubbabel's followers, about 50,000 individuals who had some 8,000 beasts of burden carrying their possessions, must have needed at least as much time as Ezra to reach Jerusalem, and probably arrived in their homeland during the summer. Like all large armies they either followed the course of the Euphrates until they reached approximately the 36th parallel, or went through the former homeland of Assyria to Arbela and followed the approximate course of the present Syro-Turkish border. From there they must have crossed the north Syrian desert for almost 100 miles to the river Orontes, with the oasis of Aleppo lying in the midst of this thirsty land. After they reached the Orontes, they could have used either the inland road or that which followed the coast of Phoenicia and Palestine. If they used the first they followed the Orontes River to its source, then continuing in a southerly direction through the highland lying between the Lebanon mountain range and the Antilebanon (including Mt. Hermon and Mt. Amana), finally crossing Galilee and Samaria before they reached their destination.

After reaching Jerusalem they first had a service of gratitude in which a large offering was made by the leading men of the congregation. The returned exiles then dispersed to reoccupy the lands of their ancestors. At the beginning of the New Year, they gathered at Jerusalem for the dedication of a newly erected altar of burnt offering, the commencement of the daily sacrificial service, and the celebration of the feasts of the 7th month. At that time plans were also laid for the rebuilding of the Temple and contracts were concluded with the Sidonians and Tyrians for the necessary lumber, and with masons and carpenters for the planned work (Ezra 2:68 to 3:7).

The actual work of rebuilding the Temple was not begun until the following year. For the laying of the foundation stone the same month was chosen in which Solomon had started to build the first Temple (Ezra 3:8; 1 Kings 6:1). This was an occasion of great joy for the faithful Jews who had waited many years for this day. However, the plans showed that the new Temple with its auxiliary buildings would not match in size and splendor those that Nebuchadnezzar had destroyed, for which reason some of the older men who in their youth had seen Solomon's Temple, wept (Ezra 3:8-13).

After the work on the Temple had started, trouble began with the Samaritans. They were a fusion of several nationalities that were brought into the country of the former kingdom of Israel at various times by different Assyrian kings from several conquered areas of the former Assyrian Empire. They served their own pagan gods, together with Jehovah, whose worship they had added to their pagan worship when they came to Palestine (see 2 Kings 17:24-33). They were doubtless already hostile, for when the Jews returned from Babylon they reclaimed their ancestral possessions, some of which probably had been occupied by the Samaritans during the years of Judah's captivity. The Samaritans were not only expelled from those lands, but were denied any participation in the rebuilding of the Temple or any rights in the service at Jerusalem. The returning Jews had learned the hard lesson that close association with those who worship idols leads to idolatry, and it was idolatry that caused the catastrophe of 586 B.C. When the zealous Jews thus showed that they had learned their lesson during the years of captivity in Babylon and firmly announced to their northern neighbors that they would have nothing to do with them, a break came that was never healed (Ezra 4:1-3).

The result of this decision was an active hostility on the part of the Samaritans. They "weakened the hands of the people of Judah, and troubled them in building" (Ezra 4:4). Another reason for the slackening of the building activity at the Temple was that the Samaritans hired "counsellors against them" (Ezra 4:5), who apparently succeeded in preventing the payments of the promised royal funds. After the death of Daniel, there may have been no Jewish sponsor at the court to further their cause and defend their interests in hours of crisis. The threats that Darius connected with the renewal of Cyrus' decree and its financial provisions in case it was not carried out, seem to indicate that he had discovered that Cyrus' decree had been thwarted (Ezra 6:8-12).

The Jews, on the other hand, had not shown enough faith to meet their disappointments with fortitude. Instead of offering to the enemy a united and determined front, they tried individually to defend themselves as well as they could, built solid houses for themselves, and left the work at Jerusalem undone. This lack of faith in God's cause resulted in divine punishments such as inflation, drought, and bad harvests (Haggai 1:6, 11). Some work, however, seems to have been done at the Temple site throughout the reigns of Cyrus and Cambyses, as we learn from the words of the Jews who declared, during Darius' reign, that since the "time [of Cyrus] even until now hath it been in building, and yet it is not finished" (Ezra 5:16).

When Cambyses crossed Palestine on his way to Egypt in 525 B.C., representatives of the Jews may have met him somewhere in one of the coastal towns to assure him of their continued loyalty. There is no evidence, but the Jewish documents of Elephantine in Egypt indicate that Cambyses was more favorably disposed toward the Jews than to the Egyptians, as can be learned from the fact that he destroyed the Egyptian temple on Elephantine, but left the neighboring Jewish temple on the same island unmolested. Hence, we are justified in concluding that he did nothing hostile to the Jews in their homeland. Any frustration they experienced in their work must have come from lower officials, and their Palestinian neighbors, who may have felt that the hostile activity against the Jews would remain unpunished, since the king was far away engaged in military campaigns. These enemies of the Jews were also aware of the great unpopularity of Cambyses throughout the empire and knew how to use these antiroyal feelings to their advantage, as we shall see in discussing the next phase of history, the interruption of all Jewish building under the usurper, Smerdis.

The Interruption of the Temple Building Under Smerdis.--Cambyses' unpopularity was so great that when the Median Gaumata, on March 11, 522 B.C., proclaimed himself king, on the claim that he was Bardiya, or Smerdis, the brother of Cambyses, he was immediately accepted by the inhabitants of a great part of the empire. The proof of this is found in Babylonian documents dated before the death of Cambyses in the reign of Bardiya, as the false Smerdis was called in Babylonia. Until his death on September 29 of the same year the false Bardiya, a follower of the old pre-Zoroastrian religion, evidently made vigorous attempts to stamp out the new religion. He had temples destroyed (presumably Zoroastrian), as Darius charged in his long Behistun inscription.

It is not difficult to understand how elements hostile toward the Jews could easily secure from the impostor a decree prohibiting the continuation of the building of the Temple at Jerusalem, and perhaps even permitting the destruction of what had already been built. Such a decree would be in harmony with Smerdis' policy of destroying temples, probably with the purpose of stamping out all religions that were a threat to the religion he advocated. His action against the Jews may also have been motivated by the fact that they had received favors from the preceding Persian kings whose work he wished to wreck.

The enemies of the Jews would undoubtedly be delighted with such a decree, and would use it as their authority for an attack upon what had already been built. This can be concluded from the fact that it was necessary to lay a new foundation (Haggai 2:18, 19) when the rebuilding of the Temple was begun again two years later. The official archives seem to have been destroyed during the attack on Jerusalem, for the Jews were not able to produce any documentary evidence to justify their building activity when Tatnai, the governor of "Across the River," a few years later made an investigation. Reference had to be made to the royal files in Babylonia for corroboration of their verbal claims (Ezra 5:13 to 6:2).

The six months of the reign of Smerdis and the succeeding months in which Darius had to fight for the throne against several pretenders, until stable political conditions returned to the empire, must have been anxious times for the Jews. The conditions described by the prophets Haggai and Zechariah allow us to understand some of the calamities that preceded the ministry of those men, whose work started in the second year of Darius (520/19 B.C.). For the Jews it must have been a great relief when they saw that Darius, a Zoroastrian who could be expected to be their friend as Cyrus and Cambyses had been, became master of the difficult political situation and was firmly settled on the throne of the Achaemenid empire.

Resumption and Completion of the Temple Building Under Darius I.--When orderly conditions had returned to the empire, two men, the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, were raised up by God to initiate a new drive for a resumption of the interrupted work on the Temple. The first chapter of Haggai begins with a prophetic message to Zerubbabel and Jeshua, the secular and spiritual leaders of the people, on the 1st of the 6th month (Elul) of the 2d year of Darius. Haggai appealed for a new start in building the Temple, rebuking the people at the same time for their lack of faith and zeal, and pointing out that calamities they experienced were the result of their slackness Haggai 1:2-11. Several weeks later (on the 24th of the same month) the leaders and the people decided to heed the admonition (Haggai 1:12-15). These two dates of Haggai are generally considered to be August 29 and September 21, 520 B.C., by a spring-to-spring reckoning of the year (see p. 99 and note 12 for alternate interpretations). Haggai addressed the people and their leaders on the 21st of the 7th month, toward the end of the Feast of Tabernacles, approximately October 17, 520 B.C. This time he had no words of rebuke, but told them to be of good courage. He assured them that the glory of this new Temple, which seemed insignificant in comparison with Solomon's, would actually surpass it (Haggai 2:3-9). He thus prophesied of the work of Jesus Christ that would be accomplished in this Temple. Several weeks later, in the 8th month, Zechariah, a prophet of apocalyptic visions, joined Haggai (Zech. 1:1 ff.).

On December 18, 520 B.C., sufficient preliminary work on the site had been done so that a new foundation stone could be laid. Such a day was always connected with special festivities, and Haggai used this opportunity to deliver two speeches, one probably in the morning, the other in the afternoon. In his first address he assured the people that God would bless them from this day on as a reward for their renewed zeal. He challenged them to mark this date of the laying of the foundation stone and to see whether God would keep His promises and bring a change in their distressing political and economic situation (Haggai 2:15-19). The second speech contained further promises of what god was planning to do for His people. These promises were conditional (Haggai 2:20-23).

There was apparently no more interference from enemies, who would not dare now to enforce any hostile decree that the false Smerdis might have issued. Darius would interpret such an act as being directed against his administration.

Suddenly came "Tatnai, governor on this side of the river" (the province called "Beyond the River" from the Mesopotamian point of view), with his whole staff of officers, to Jerusalem (Ezra 5:3), probably on a routine tour of inspection. Since it had been known for a long time that the satrap of the territories of "Beyond the River" and "Babylonia" during the early years of Darius was Ushtani, it was thought that Tatnai must have been an Aramaic form of his Persian name. However, a recently published cuneiform tablet from Babylon has revealed that this interpretation is incorrect, and that Tatnai was Ushtani's subordinate in the administration of "Beyond the River," since Ushtani could not effectively administer two large provinces personally.

Tatnai showed himself to be an impartial and conscientious official in the best Persian tradition. Seeing the industrious building activities at the Temple site, he naturally asked for the royal permit. The elders of the Jews replied--while Zerubbabel as governor wisely kept himself in the background, since he could not know the attitude of the new official. They told the story of the destruction of the first Temple by Nebuchadnezzar, their long captivity in Babylonia, and their return under Cyrus, mentioning also that he had given back to them the Temple treasures, and issued a decree permitting the rebuilding of the Temple. Tatnai was favorably impressed by the sincerity of the Jews and evidently believed their story, for he allowed them to continue their work for the time being. However, since they had been unable to produce an official written permit as proof of their claims--the permit had probably been destroyed or stolen by the Samaritans--he sent to the king a report of the whole case. To this he appended the names of the Jewish leaders, requesting an investigation in the archives of Babylon, and a royal decision concerning his attitude toward the Jews (Ezra 5:3-17).

After the receipt of Tatnai's report the government files of Babylon were searched. Once more the Persian conscientiousness became apparent when the officials charged with the investigation extended their search to Ecbatana after the archives of Babylon failed to produce any documents on the case. Finally the official copy of Cyrus' decree was found and taken to the king. The question must then have arisen as to how much money had been spent on the Jerusalem Temple since the issuance of the decree, for it provided for payment of the building expenses from royal funds. When an investigation revealed that little or nothing had ever been paid, Darius must have been angry, for such failure showed how certain royal decrees were sidetracked and their provisions not carried out. This must have been the reason that his reply to Tatnai was composed in an unusually sharp tone, and that it contained threats of terrible punishments if his new decree were not carried out. This new edict demanded, first, that Tatnai refrain from any interference with the work of the Jews; second, that the expenses promised by Cyrus be now paid from the revenue of the province of "Beyond the River"; and third, that the Jews, in their religious services, should pray for the well-being of the king and his sons (Ezra 6:1-12).

With the material support of the government and the spiritual support of their leaders and the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, the people seem to have worked with great zeal and joy. The whole project was finished by the 3d of Adar in the 6th year of Darius, when the dedication ceremonies were held (Ezra 6:13-15). This was, by either spring or fall reckoning, March 12, 515 B.C. The actual interval from the laying of the second foundation in December, 520 B.C., was 4 years and 3 months. This was 2 years and 3 months less than Solomon had needed to complete the building of his Temple compound. The reason for the shorter building period lay undoubtedly in the fact that part of the tremendous substructures that Solomon had built to provide a wide platform on the uneven terrain of the northeastern hill of Jerusalem were still usable, and that much building material, procured under the reigns of Cyrus and Cambyses, was available.

After the description of the festivities connected with the dedication of the new Temple and the celebration of the Feast of Unleavened Bread in the following month (Ezra 6:16-22,), the Biblical records become silent until the time of Xerxes. Yet, it can be taken for granted that the Jews prospered during the reign of Darius, whose rule was beneficial for all parts of the empire, as we know from the extant records of several countries.

Critical Times in Xerxes' Reign.--The book of Esther describes a crisis that developed in the 12th year of Xerxes. A brief summary here is sufficient. The personal hatred of Haman, a high counselor of the king, against Mordecai, a Jewish gate official employed in the palace at Susa (Biblical Shushan), resulted in the plan to destroy the whole Jewish nation. The king, whose unstable and undisciplined character is well known from the descriptions of ancient secular historians, granted Haman's request as a personal favor to him without investigating the reasons for it. Providence, however, had already made provision for the Jews' deliverance by having allowed the beautiful Jewish girl Esther to become Xerxes' wife in 479/78 B.C. Through the prayers of the entire Jewish nation, and Esther's personal intervention with the king, the previously given decree to kill all Jews on a certain day in March, 473 B.C., was not carried out. Although the decree could not be revoked, owing to a peculiar Persian custom, an additional royal edict allowed the Jews to defend themselves, and the day on which they would have been massacred became a day of great deliverance. Mordecai, who had received Haman's office after the latter's execution for his treachery, is credited with having done much to benefit his people (Esther 10:3). A cuneiform tablet in the Berlin Museum mentions Mordecai as an influential official at Susa in the time of Xerxes. Thus the story of Esther, frequently considered as fiction, receives valuable archeological support.

Interesting light is shed on the events described in the book of Esther by the cuneiform documents of the business house of Murashu Sons at Nippur, which come from the next two reigns after Xerxes--those of Artaxerxes I and Darius II. They reveal that the Jews formed an influential and wealthy minority in the city of Nippur and the rural areas belonging to it. Jews appear as partners in transactions in which large sums of money are involved, as administrators of districts, and as rich money lenders. All this evidence reveals that the Jews had gone through a period in which they had enjoyed certain favors, as happened under Mordecai's leadership.

When this man had become "great among the Jews, and accepted of the multitude of his brethren" in the Persian Empire (Esther 10:3), his name became a household word in Jewish circles, and many parents gave their children the name Mordecai. The documents of Murashu Sons from Artaxerxes I's time contain 61 personal names of Jews. It is extremely interesting to see that although 60 different persons are represented by these 61 name references, 6 different Jews bore the name Mordecai. All of them, apparently, were born shortly after the events recorded in the book of Esther had taken place. A little later the name fell into disuse again, as is seen from the fact that among the 46 names of Jews mentioned in the documents of the same firm from the time of Darius II the name Mordecai does not appear.

Return Under Artaxerxes I and the Work of Ezra.--Between the last dated events of the book of Esther (spring, 473 B.C.) and the next recorded happening of the book of Ezra (spring, 457 B.C.) lay 16 years, concerning which there are no known records that can throw any direct light on the history of the Jewish nation. Xerxes had in the meantime been murdered, and his son Artaxerxes had come to the throne. The empire lived under the cloud of the grave defeat at the Eurymedon, to which soon was added the loss of Egypt through the rebellion of Inarus in 463 or 462 B.C. Since it was important that Judea, lying on the road to Egypt, remain loyal and friendly toward the Persian administration, especially when the campaign against Egypt would get under way (in 456 B.C.), Artaxerxes lent a willing ear to the petitions of Ezra (ch. 7:28), whose title indicates that he was "referee of Jewish affairs" in the chancellery (see on Ezra 7:12). He petitioned the king to grant the Jews a greater measure of self-government than they had possessed hitherto, and to allow the reintroduction of the Mosaic law as the law of the land in the province of Judea.

By royal decree Artaxerxes appointed Ezra to return to Judea with far-reaching authority, and called on all Jews who desired to return to their old homeland to do so. The decree further commissioned Ezra to reorganize the whole judicial system in Judea, and to install judges and magistrates with power over life and death, who should use "the law of the God of heaven" as the basis of their work (Ezra 7:11-26). The historicity of this decree has frequently been attacked, since it seemed incredible to many modern scholars that the Persian king or his counselors should have concerned themselves with details of Jewish ceremonial as the decree in Ezra 7 claims. Yet, one of the Elephantine papyri, to be discussed in Section VII, the so-called "Passover Letter" of Darius II, gives such a close parallel that the opposition to the genuineness of the decree of Artaxerxes I has lately become silent. The "Passover Letter" of Darius shows clearly that the Persian chancellery probably had a department in which experts in Jewish law and customs advised the king in legislative matters. These experts were doubtless Jews.

The chance discovery of the Phoenician Eshmunazar inscription shows that Artaxerxes appreciated the help he received from Sidon in his campaign against the rebellious Egyptians, and rewarded the Sidonians by giving them certain fertile grain lands in the region of Dor on the Palestinian coast. This historical parallel strongly suggests that the important decree by which exceptional privileges were granted to the Jews one year before Megabyzos began his expedition against Egypt was given to create good will among the Jews, and to ensure their continued loyalty in this time of political crisis. To the Jews this decree meant much, because it gave them virtually a semi-independent status. All civil and judicial powers were now returned to the local leadership, and the law of Moses became once more the law of the land. The only matter reserved by the Persians for themselves was the department of revenues. Generous royal gifts and grants from the tribute of the province for the support of the Jewish religious service were probably designed to reconcile the Jews to the fact that foreign tax collectors would remain in their country for an indefinite time.

After seeing his requests granted, Ezra made an appeal to Babylonian Jewry to accompany him to Judea. On the 1st day of Nisan all those who were willing to follow Ezra met "at the river of Ahava." When the census was taken it became apparent that no Levites were present. After a special effort was made to secure some Levites, the congregation of probably more than 5,000, including women and children, fasted and prayed for divine protection during their long and dangerous journey. Ezra had not dared to request an escort for fear of revealing to the Persian authorities that he lacked faith in the protective power of his God (Ezra 8:1-23).

The caravan set out Nisan 12, on or about April 7, 457 B.C. (according to the table on p. 108), and after some 4 months arrived at Jerusalem about July 23. There they rested for 3 days. Then they handed over all the royal gifts for the Temple and the official decree to the proper authorities, and celebrated their safe arrival by a great thank offering (Ezra 8:24-36). The actual work of reconstruction authorized by the decree began some weeks later, in the autumn of the year.

Little is recorded about Ezra's activity in Judea during the next 13 years until Nehemiah arrived at Jerusalem as newly appointed governor. Ezra must have carried out all provisions of the decree, but no record is left of his work, with the exception of one describing his reform work with regard to mixed marriages. The report of this affair covers almost one fourth of the entire book of Ezra (chs. 9, 10), thus showing the importance of this reform.

Ezra must have been aware of the presence of pagan or semipagan women in some families, since one was found in the family of the high priest. But he worked in quietness for a while, waiting for an opportunity to deal with this matter effectively. This opportunity came on a certain day when some of the leaders officially notified him of the existence of this evil. Ezra responded at once. He began with a public prayer that was at the same time a great sermon and a call for repentance. The result was that the leaders of the country made a spontaneous decision to cleanse the nation from the pagan influence.

A public meeting was then held in the ninth month (approximately December). If this was soon after Ezra's arrival, it was in 457 B.C. The gathered congregation, shivering from the cold and rain, and anxious to return home, gave Ezra full powers to carry out the proposed reform. Little opposition was voiced against this popular decision, because only a small percentage of the people--112 men out of the tens of thousands of Jews who inhabited Judea--were involved in this affair. A committee worked then from December, 457, to April, 456 B.C., and decided every case. A list of all transgressors involved was appended as part of the permanent record of the event. It shows that 27 ecclesiastical workers, among whom were 13 priests and 4 members of the high-priestly family, besides 86 laymen, had foreign wives. The evil had not yet spread far among the people, which explains why the measures taken were so strongly supported by the people, and so easily carried out.

It is generally held that Ezra continued on in Jerusalem into the time of Nehemiah. Hence he faced, at some time preceding Nehemiah's coming (in 444 B.C.), the destructive opposition of enemies who broke down "the wall of Jerusalem" and "burned with fire" its gates (Neh. 1:3).

Scholars who equate the Artaxerxes of Ezra 4:7 with Artaxerxes I see in the narrative of . 7-23 a reference to this attack upon the walls and gates. They thus find in the narrative a Biblical account of the reason for the damaging of the wall as reported to Nehemiah. This view of vs. 7-23 requires a temporary reversal of Artaxerxes' favorable attitude toward the Jews as shown in his dealings with Ezra a few years before.

However, the attack referred to in Nehemiah 1:3 can be accounted for historically without Ezra 4, or any specific Biblical narrative. It is a fact that about the year 450 or 449 B.C., Megabyzos, governor of the province of "Beyond the River," which included Judea, rebelled for a period of years against the king of Persia. During this rebellion, either the Jews were loyal to their benefactor Artaxerxes, and were attacked by Samaritan partisans of Megabyzos, or the Samaritans were loyal and took the opportunity of accusing the Jews of siding with Megabyzos. In either case the rebellion of Megabyzos would furnish a plausible setting for the event mentioned in Neh. 1:3.

Nehemiah's Governorship.--Nehemiah, although a faithful Jew, had advanced in the Persian court until he held the trusted and responsible position of royal cupbearer. Some historians have concluded that he was a eunuch, as he seems to have served the king in the women's quarters (see on Neh. 2:6). He was well educated, and later proved himself a good organizer.

In December, 445 B.C., Nehemiah's brother Hanani and some other Jews arrived at Susa for a visit. They may have been the first Jews from Jerusalem whom Nehemiah had seen since Megabyzos' rebellion, which had probably resulted in the breakdown of ordinary communication with Judea. Rumors of troubles with the Samaritans may have reached Nehemiah's ears, but since nothing certain was known, he was anxious to obtain some exact word about the conditions in Judea. Hence, his first question was "concerning the Jews that had escaped, which were left of the captivity, and concerning Jerusalem" (Neh. 1:2). The news that he received was bad, worse than he had expected to receive. He learned to his dismay that the walls were "broken down, and the gates thereof ... burned with fire" (Neh. 1:3). The shock of this news was so great that Nehemiah, like Daniel (Dan. 9:3), fasted and prayed for days on end.

Nehemiah developed an effective plan during the following four months and also made certain preparations in anticipation of the course of action he proposed to follow. Then he used a favorable situation, when serving the king, to request that he send him to Jerusalem to complete the interrupted work of rebuilding the city's walls. Some have thought that Nehemiah, knowing Artaxerxes' unstable character, and how easily he was influenced by women, had chosen an opportune occasion when "the queen" was present; also that she may have been favorably disposed toward Nehemiah and may have assured him beforehand of her support. Although Nehemiah had prayed earnestly about this situation he was sore afraid that he might lose his life if he moved unwisely in relation to the temperamental king (Neh. 2:2, 6). But the king not only granted the request, he also appointed his cupbearer to be the new governor of Judea.

Furnished with official credentials and accompanied by an armed escort, Nehemiah lost no time, but set out as soon as he could secure release from his court duties. He arrived in Jerusalem presumably in the early summer of 444 B.C. For the first few days he kept the true purpose of his arrival secret, so that he could make moves that would assure the greatest possible success for his plans. He also wished to avoid playing into the hands of his enemies, whose work and hatred he well knew. After three days he had sized up the situation and also had probably seen the condition of the wall, with the exception of its southern sections. In order to gain firsthand knowledge of the condition of those wall sections, made an inspection tour at night, accompanied only by some trusted friends (Neh. 2:11-16).

He then laid his plans before the people's leaders, probably on the fourth day after his arrival. He told them of the royal commission, probably assuring them also that they had nothing to fear from their enemies any more. His call to build, "that we be no more a reproach" (Neh. 2:17), was an eloquent appeal to the national conscience and dignity. Some were enthusiastic about the prospects of finally having a fortified capital whose wall could offer protection in times of danger, while others seemed to show no interest. The people of cities like Jericho, Mizpah, and Gibeon willingly offered their help in building the wall of Jerusalem, but there is no mention of help from Bethlehem, Netophah, Bethel, and various other cities that had been repopulated since Zerubbabel's time. Among the leaders the same situation was noticeable. Some supported Nehemiah enthusiastically, while others, like the nobles of Tekoa, "put not their necks to the work of their Lord" (Neh. 3:5).

Immediately after the purpose of Nehemiah's arrival had become known, the enemies of the Jews, especially the political leaders of surrounding nations, made plans to foil Nehemiah's aims. Of these enemies three are repeatedly mentioned as working against Nehemiah: Sanballat, who was the governor of Samaria, as we now know from the Elephantine papyri; Tobiah, a high official or nobleman of Ammon; and Geshem, the governor of the Arab Lihyanites of Dedan. These three ridiculed the Jews and their leader, accused them of making active preparations for a rebellion, made preparations to attack them by force, arranged to have Nehemiah assassinated, and made numerous attempts to sow discord among the Jews themselves. This work against Nehemiah and his activities was unceasingly carried on as long as the work of rebuilding the city's wall was in progress, and seems to have ceased only after its completion.

Nehemiah proved to be a man of fearless determination and a good organizer. Neither did he belittle the danger that the efforts of his enemies posed, nor was he unduly disturbed about them. Those willing to assist him in his work of rebuilding Jerusalem's wall he organized into 42 groups, and spread them over as many wall sections. In the list found in ch. 3 of his book, Nehemiah has left us an excellent source for the study of the topography of Jerusalem's city wall, and has also provided information concerning many other important items. He tells us, for example, who took part in the work, where it was done, and also what kind of work was required. We learn in this way that some sections of the wall, as well as some gates, had been almost completed in the previous rebuilding activities, and had suffered little during the recent attack, whereas others had to be practically rebuilt. This must be concluded from the observation that the term "builded" is used for the activity of some, but the work of others is described as "repaired" in the list of Neh. 3. The same conclusion can be reached by reading, for example, that one group, Hanun and the inhabitants of Zanoah, could repair the Valley Gate and about 550 yards of wall (Neh. 3:13), while another group could repair only a very small section extending from the door of Eliashib's house, which apparently stood near the wall, to the end of that same building (Neh. 3:21). In some instances, of course, the number of participants may have been responsible for the great differences in the size of wall sections allotted to the various groups. A few gates, as, for example, the Ephraim Gate, mentioned later in connection with the wall's dedication, seem to have been intact and therefore are left out in the list of sectors on which work was done.

Hence we must conclude that the work of Nehemiah was not the entire rebuilding of the whole wall and its many gates, but the repairing and completing of the interrupted activity of his predecessors. If the wall had been as it was after Nebuchadnezzar's forces destroyed it, Nehemiah would not have been able to complete the work in 52 days (Neh. 6:15). That he could finish the work in such an exceptionally short period shows clearly that a long time of building activity must have preceded his arrival.

Although the work on the wall proceeded rapidly, it was beset with many difficulties. Nehemiah encountered lack of interest in certain circles of his people, and real opposition from others of them (Neh. 4:10; 16:10-12). Worse, there was the constant danger of a disastrous attack on the half-completed city wall by his foreign enemies who were led by Sanballat, Tobiah, and Geshem. Hence, he armed all workmen, had the wall guarded day and night, and devised a system of alarm in order to be ready at all times to defend Jerusalem. His determination and personal bravery discouraged his enemies and saved the day. They never went further than making threats; no real attack materialized.

On the 25th of Elul (September 21 in 444 B.C.) the work was finished (Neh. 6:15). The wall was dedicated by an impressive ceremony. Two processions were formed, one led by Ezra, the other by Nehemiah. Starting at the Valley Gate, both companies went on top of the walls in opposite directions until they met near the northeastern corner of the city, and jointly entered the Temple to give praises to God for the help received in their work, and to celebrate the day with sacrifices (Neh. 12:27-43).

After Nehemiah had completed his main task and given Jerusalem a fortified wall, he settled down to a fruitful and peaceful work of governorship. For 12 years he served his people during his first term of office (Neh. 5:14). Although Nehemiah was the secular head of Judea in the first place, and worked in the social interests of the nation, he was also deeply interested in the spiritual welfare of his people. We find him abolishing a number of abuses of power and wealth by forcing the usurers to make proper restitution and to promise not to take advantage of their poor fellow citizens, by buying and liberating Jewish slaves, by refusing to accept any payments for himself, and by defraying from his own means his official expenses (Neh. 5:1-19). No governor, Nehemiah tells us, had ever been so unselfish and socially minded as he, and he expected to receive a divine reward for his acts of kindness (Neh. 5:15, 19).

He also took measures to repopulate Jerusalem, when after the completion of the wall he saw that the capital was an almost empty city. A census was taken, and it was decided to bring one out of every ten of the rural population of Judea to Jerusalem. Many others also were encouraged to move to the capital (Neh. 7:4, 5; 11:1, 2).

The religious needs of the people were met by great mass meetings. The first series of these is described in Neh. 8-10. Ezra and other leaders read and explained the law to the people. The result was a real spiritual revival, eventuating in a covenant signed by laity and ministers. All promised to follow the law of Moses, to keep themselves free of mixed marriages with pagans, to keep the Sabbath, to meet the expenses of the Temple upkeep and other religious services, and to care for other necessary matters.

All these events seem to have taken place during the first few months of Nehemiah's governorship. As to the remainder of his 12-year period we are left in the dark, and the only further word, found in Neh. 13, deals with some measures he was forced to take after his return to Jerusalem at the beginning of his second term of office. Unfortunately, we do not know the date of Nehemiah's second arrival, nor the length of his second term as governor of Judea.

Some time must have elapsed after his departure at the expiration of his first term before he came back, since he found certain unfortunate conditions and practices in Judea, which must have taken some time to develop. His arch-enemy, Tobiah, had been given living quarters in one of the buildings of the Temple compound, the Levites were engaged in agricultural pursuits to make a living because no tithe had been paid by the people for some time. Merchandise was being sold in Jerusalem by foreigners on the Sabbath, and pagan wives were once more found in Jewish families.

These conditions are also severely rebuked by the prophet Malachi, whose prophecies must have been delivered about this time. Immediately after his arrival, Nehemiah vigorously went to work to change this situation. He threw Tobiah's furniture out of the Temple, and gathered the Levites, putting them back to work in the Temple and guaranteeing them their income from the tithe. He induced the people to pay their tithes regularly, took strong measures to prevent any further transgression of the Sabbath commandment, and caused the foreign wives to be expelled (Neh. 13:1-31).

With the description of the measures the historical records of the book of Nehemiah and of the Old Testament come to an end. But before leaving this last period for which an inspired record is available, one further incident should be mentioned, the unfortunate affair involving Johanan, the high priest, who is mentioned in Ezra (ch. 10:6) and Nehemiah (ch. 12:22). Josephus (Antiquities xi. 7.1) informs us that Johanan's brother Jesus (Joshua) was a friend of Bagoas (Persian, Bigvai), the commander of Artaxerxes. Because Bagoas promised to make Joshua high priest, Joshua got into a quarrel with his brother Johanan in the Temple and was killed by him. As a result of this heinous crime, Bagoas entered the Temple, declaring, "Am I not purer than he who was slain in the temple?" and punished the Jews by exacting for seven years a tax of 50 drachmas for every lamb in the daily sacrifice.

The story was formerly considered fiction by many historians, because Josephus spoke of Bagoas, the mighty commander of Artaxerxes III, well known from later Persian history, whereas Johanan was a contemporary of Ezra and Nehemiah, who lived several generations earlier. The Jewish papyri of Elephantine, however, attest that Johanan was high priest in 410 B.C. and that a governor by the name of Bigvai (Greek, Bagoas) ruled over Judea in 407 B.C. Hence both Bagoas and Johanan were contemporaries of Darius II. They may still have been in office a few years later when Artaxerxes II came to the throne in 405 or 404 B.C., and the crime Josephus relates may have taken place at that time. That one of the Elephantine papyri was jointly sent by Bagoas, the governor of Judea, and Delaiah, the son of Sanballat of Samaria, shows a strange combination of individuals. Bagoas may have been an enemy of Johanan already at that time.

With this high priest the last figure mentioned in the Old Testament leaves our historical horizon, and the Intertestament Period of Jewish history begins, so called because no sacred records are available for this period.

VII. The Jews in Egypt During the 5th Century b.c.

Besides the meager and incidental notes that we find in the Old Testament concerning the Jews in Egypt, some of a prophetic and others of a historical nature (Isa. 19:18, 19; Jer. 43:7; 44:1, 15-28), rich source material exists concerning one Jewish colony. This material consists of a large number of Aramaic papyri found at Elephantine, a Nile island at the southern border of ancient Egypt, about 600 miles south of Cairo. These Elephantine papyri throw much light on contemporary historical events, particularly on the Jewish history of this period.

The History of the Discovery of the Elephantine Papyri.--The first group of these documents was bought by C. E. Wilbour in 1893, but did not come to the notice of scholars until 1947. Since Mr. Wilbour had died in Paris in 1896, the papyri remained in his trunk in a New York warehouse for years. It finally came into the Brooklyn Museum, where the precious documents within it were rediscovered. Hence, the first known papyri from Elephantine were those bought from natives in 1904 by Sir Robert Mond and Lady William Cecil, which were published by Sayce and Cowley in 1906. A German excavation on the island of Elephantine in 1906 and 1907 brought to light more such documents. Their publication in 1911 by Eduard Sachau, together with those published by Sayce and Cowley in 1906, gave to the scholarly world a wealth of material in Aramaic from the time of Ezra and Nehemiah that has furthered study of the postexilic period and of Biblical Aramaic.

All this material, with some stray finds made in the meantime, was republished by A. Cowley in 1923 in a handy edition. In 1953 the 17 rediscovered Wilbour papyri, now in the Brooklyn Museum, were published by Emil G. Kraeling. The number of published Aramaic papyri from Elephantine now stands at more than 100. In this connection a related find should be mentioned, although it does not come from Elephantine: 13 official Aramaic letters written on leather, which, like the Elephantine papyri, come from the 5th century b.c. They mention the same Persian governor of Egypt as the Elephantine documents and contain certain material that sheds light on the record in Nehemiah. Bought from an Egyptian dealer by L. Borchardt sometime before 1933, when the find was first announced, these documents were subsequently published by G. R. Driver (1954), and together with the new Brooklyn papyri are now arousing a keen interest among Oriental and Biblical scholars.

The Importance of the Elephantine Papyri for Biblical studies.--In several respects the Elephantine papyri have been of the utmost importance for Biblical studies. They have furnished rich material in Aramaic from the same period in which the Aramaic sections of Ezra were written, and from a slightly later time than the book of Daniel, which also contains six chapters in Aramaic. These texts have clarified the meaning of obscure Biblical words, supported the meaning of others not well known before the discovery of these texts, and enriched our Aramaic vocabulary. They have also provided much comparative material by which the similarity of the Biblical Aramaic with that of the Elephantine documents can be established. This, in turn, proves the great antiquity of the Aramaic parts of the Bible.

The official documents found among the Elephantine papyri corroborate the genuineness of the similar documents of Ezra and prove that skepticism often expressed about their authenticity was, after all, unfounded. They have, furthermore, shown that the Persian kings issued decrees that concerned themselves with details of religious matters. For example, a decree of Darius II, found in Elephantine, directed the Elephantine Jews to celebrate the Passover with a strict observance of the Mosaic regulations.

These papyri have furnished sufficient evidence to settle the old question of whether the Artaxerxes of the book of Nehemiah was the first king by that name or the second. The evidence they provide proves that Nehemiah could have been governor only under Artaxerxes I. These papyri reveal that the Johanan of Neh. 12:22 was high priest in 410 B.C. Since Johanan was the grandson of Eliashib, the high priest of Nehemiah's days, Nehemiah's governorship must have preceded the high priesthood of Johanan. Also the fact that Sanballat was governor of Samaria, as attested in the Elephantine papyri, has clarified a number of historical problems in connection with Nehemiah's story. Although Sanballat was apparently still alive in 407 B.C. when he was mentioned in a letter from Elephantine, he was now an old man whose responsibilities were borne by his sons. This supports the conclusion that the work of Nehemiah, when Sanballat was his vigorous enemy--probably in the prime of life--was a thing of the past in 407 B.C.

The Elephantine papyri are also very important because of the fact that many of them are dated, and that some bear double dates, the Egyptian legal date and its Jewish equivalent. The double-dated documents have made it possible to reconstruct the Jewish calendar in use by the Elephantine Jews of the 5th century. This proves to have been a lunar calendar, with the New Year beginning in the autumn (see pp. 103-109; also Vol. II, pp. 117-121).

The Jewish Colony at Elephantine During the 5th Century b.c.--The island of Elephantine (Egyptian, Yeb) lies below the first Nile cataract and forms a natural barrier toward the south. It was an important border fortress at different times in Egypt's history and was called "the Gate of the South." Under the reign of Psamtik I (663-610 B.C.) this island housed a strong garrison of mercenary forces, but it is not certain whether Jews were already living there. However, Jews belonged to the forces of Psamtik II (595- 589 B.C.), who, as Herodotus states, carried out a campaign against Nubia, in which, according to the Jewish Aristeas letter, he was accompanied by Jewish mercenary troops.

It is well known that the kings of the Twenty-sixth Egyptian Dynasty leaned heavily on foreign soldiers. Inscriptions testify to the presence of Ionian, Carian, and Phoenician mercenaries in the garrisons of southern Egypt. Although Jews are not mentioned by name, one text speaks of soldiers from Palestine. It is possible that Jews of Elephantine had found their way to Egypt before the destruction of Jerusalem. Jeremiah addresses, along with other Jewish residents of Egypt, those of Pathros (Jer. 44:1), an Egyptian geographical name meaning literally "The South Land," in which the area of Elephantine is usually included.

Although the origin of the Jewish colony on Elephantine is not yet definitely known, these people must have lived on the island for some time before 525 B.C., for when Cambyses conquered Egypt, they already formed a well-settled colony in the possession of a temple where they worshiped Yahu (an abbreviated form of the name Yahweh, or Jehovah; see Vol. I, pp. 35, 171-173). They were taken over by the Persian administration into its military system and continued to constitute the garrison of the fortress Elephantine. They called themselves "the Jewish army," which army was divided into standards or companies, under Persian and Babylonian commanders, and centuries, with officers bearing Jewish and Babylonian names. No Egyptian names appear among the army personnel. We therefore conclude that the Egyptians were kept out of the army, since their loyalty to the Persian king could be questioned.

All judicial power was in the hands of the Persian commanding officer of the fortress, but internal affairs of the Jewish colony were controlled by the chief of the "congregation." The Jews were in possession of houses and other hereditary property and some of them seem to have been well-to-do people.

Being Jews they were, in the first place, worshipers of Yahu. To Him they had built a temple with five entrances of stone, and pillars of stone, but the walls were probably of brick. The roof was of cedarwood, and the wooden doors swung on bronze hinges. Gold and silver vessels belonged to the equipment of the temple, and on its altar the Jews offered burnt sacrifices, meal offerings and incense. Every Jew paid 2 shekels for the upkeep of the temple in contrast to 1/3 shekel in Judea (see Neh. 10:32). The Jews who built this temple had not been influenced by the reform of Josiah, who had reorganized Judea's religious practices according to the laws of Moses that clearly prohibited any separatist sanctuaries (Deut. 12:13, 14; 2 Kings 23:8). Furthermore, they served not only Yahu but also several other deities besides Him, among them Ashim-Bethel and ÔAnath-Bethel. While Ashim (for a similar name, see on 2 Kings 17:30) is not well known from other sources, we are well acquainted with the Canaanite goddess Anath, a bloodthirsty, immoral deity. Hence, we find the Jews of Elephantine standing in some respects on the religious level of the time of King Manasseh, with a separatist temple, and serving, besides their national God, certain deities of pagan nations, especially those that promoted fertility. Of the religious reform of Josiah nothing can be traced in Elephantine. And nothing is felt of the work of a Jeremiah, Daniel, or Ezekiel, whose influence is clearly discernible among the returned exiles then settled in Jerusalem and the province of Judea.

One very important document coming from the year 419 B.C., shows that the Persian king (Darius II) issued directives concerning the religious life of the Jews. This particular document is, unfortunately, poorly preserved, but this much is clearly ascertainable, that Darius had given an order that the Feast of Unleavened Bread be kept from Nisan 15 to 21, that the Jews should cleanse themselves for this occasion, and that they should not drink (intoxicating beverages) or eat anything that contained leaven. We do not know the reason for the issuance of the decree. But this much can be concluded with certainty, that the king had counselors versed in Jewish law able to compose such a decree, and who were also interested in having the king sign, such a directive. It is possible that this decree went to all Jews in the empire, although the only proof of its existence comes from Elephantine. The decree shows that the Persian kings supported the religious life of the Jews and the laws of Moses. This fact provides corroboration of the genuineness of the record of similar decrees found in the books of Ezra and Nehemiah.

Because of the extreme importance of the decree a translation of the poorly preserved letter containing it is offered herewith. The sections enclosed in brackets [ ] are reconstructed. The translation follows principally that of A. Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. (1923), pp. 62, 63, but has also profited by the suggestions of Emil G. Kraeling, made in The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri (1953), pp. 92-95. It varies, however, in some details in which the present translator disagrees with the previous translations.

1. [To my brethr]en

2. [Yedo]niah and his colleagues (and) the Jewish ga[rrison], your brother Hanan[iah]. The peace of my brethren may God desire.

3. And now this year, the year 5 of Darius the king, from the king there was sent to Arsh[am saying],

4. [In the month of Nisan let there be a Passover for the Jewish garrison]. Now thus ye shall count: four[teen days]

5. [of the month Nisan and ke]ep [the Passover], and from the 15th day to the 21st day of Ni[san]

6. [are seven days of Unleavened Bread]. Be ye clean and take heed. Work no[t]

7. [on the 15th day and on the 21st day. Beer no]t shall ye drink and anything [in] which [there is] leaven

8. [do not eat, from the 15th day from] sunset till the 21st day of Nis[an, seven]

9. [days, let it not be seen among you; do not br]ing it into your chambers, but seal it up during [those] day[s].

10. [Let this be done as Darius] the k[ing commanded].Address: To my brethren Yedoniah and his colleagues the Jewish garrison, your brother Hanani[ah] ...

These foreign Jews serving the Persian ruler as soldiers were disliked by the native Egyptians. This hatred was certainly increased when Cambyses, at the time of his conquest of Egypt, destroyed the Egyptian temple on Elephantine dedicated to the ram-headed god Khnum, but left the Jews and their temple unmolested. Because the Jews made proselytes among the Egyptians as the documents attest, and because they fared well financially, and treated the native Egyptians with contempt, calling their priests by a contemptuous name, and the mutual aversion increased until it produced an eruption.

When Arsham, or Arsames, the Persian satrap of Egypt, was absent from Egypt in 410 B.C. the priests of Khnum bribed the Persian commander Widrang, or Hydarnes, of Elephantine to let his son Nephayan, the commander of Syene (Aswân), come over with his non-Jewish troops to Elephantine and spoil the Jewish temple and destroy it thoroughly. When Arsames returned to Egypt the Jews had the satisfaction of seeing Hydarnes and Nephayan punished--possibly executed--for their crime. However, they did not succeed in obtaining from him a permit to rebuild their temple, since the satrap seems to have been fearful of a new outbreak. By making his permit dependent on one to be obtained from the authorities at Jerusalem, Arsames thought to shift to other shoulders the responsibility for rejecting the request. He may previously have known Nehemiah or other leaders of Judea, and probably expected that they would not give a permit for the rebuilding of a separatist temple.

The Jews of Elephantine wrote a letter to the high priest Johanan of Jerusalem placing their request before him. The Jerusalem authorities ignored this request completely and failed to send any reply. Hence, the Elephantine Jews, after having waited in vain for more than two years, wrote again in 407 B.C., this time placing their request before Bagoas, the Persian governor of Judea, and at the same time before the two sons of Sanballat, the governor of Samaria, who apparently carried on the administration for their old father, Bagoas, who did not live on good terms with Johanan, conferred with Delaiah of Samaria and decided to allow the Jews of Elephantine to rebuild their temple. However, bloody sacrifices were not to be offered in the new temple. Receiving this permit, Arsames seems to have endorsed the grant, and the temple was rebuilt, as can be seen from the fact that in 402 B.C. the temple is again referred to, in an Aramaic document, as existing on the island.

Very soon after this time a successful rebellion of the Egyptians against the Persian rule once more brought independence to Egypt, and probably marked the end of the Jewish colony on Elephantine. The last known dated Jewish document from that island was written on June 19, 400 B.C. Then a curtain of silence fell over this interesting community. The temple was probably again destroyed, and the Jews either killed or driven out. Nothing further is known of their fate.

Bibliography

For brief suggestive bibliographies on works dealing with ancient history and archeology see Vol. I, pp. 131, 132, 148, and Vol. II, pp. 98, 99. The following additional books deal with certain phases of the period discussed in this article. As already stated in Vol. II, p. 98, the appearance of certain works in this Bibliography does not necessarily mean that the views of the authors are endorsed in this commentary.

The Cambridge Ancient History. Edited by J. B. Bury, S. A. Cook, F. E. Adcock. 12 vols. New York: The Macmillan Company, 1926-39. Volume 3, The Assyrian Empire, presents in chapters X and XI (written by R. Campbell Thompson) the history of the Neo-Babylonian Empire, and a discussion of the influence of Babylon on the ancient world. Volume 4, The Persian Empire and the West, deals more with Greek history during the Persian wars than with Persia itself.

Cowley, A. Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century b.c. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1923. 319 pp. A collection of all Aramaic papyri from Elephantine known in 1923. The texts are given with translations, and a commentary.

Dougherty, Raymond Philip. Nabonidus and Belshazzar. A Study of the Closing Events of the Neo-Babylonian Empire. "Yale Oriental Series, Researches, Volume XV." New Haven: Yale University Press, 1929. 216 pp. The author has collected all source material that sheds light on Belshazzar and attempts to put him in the correct historical setting of his time.

Driver, G. R. Aramaic Documents of the Fifth Century b.c. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1954. 50 pp., and facsimiles. The publication of the Aramaic leather manuscripts from Egypt that shed much light on the Persian administration of Egypt during the reigns of Artaxerxes I and Darius II.

Koldewey, Robert. The Excavations at Babylon. Translated by Agnes S. Johns. London: Macmillan and Co., Limited, 1914. 335 pp. A popularly written but thoroughly reliable account of ancient Babylon as found by the modern excavator, after almost 15 years of uninterrupted work on the ruins.

Kraeling, Emil G. The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri. New Documents of the Fifth Century b.c. From the Jewish Colony at Elephantine. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1953. 319 pp., and facsimiles. The publication of the Aramaic papyri from Elephantine "discovered" after 54 years in storage. The introductory chapters deal with the history of the Elephantine Jews, their religion, and social affairs as revealed by the papyri. It is the first thorough treatment of this important subject in English.

Olmstead, A. T. History of the Persian Empire. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1948. 576 pp. This history attempts to take into account all evidence that can throw any light on Persian history, including Greek, Aramaic, Persian, and Babylonian sources. See also entry on p. 110.

Rogers, Robert William. A History of Ancient Persia, From Its Earliest Beginnings to the Death of Alexander the Great. New York: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1929. 393 pp.

Smith, Sidney. Isaiah XL-LV, Literary Criticism and History. "The Schweich Lectures of the British Academy, 1940." London: Oxford University Press, 1944. 204 pp. Lecture II contains a good survey of the history of Babylonia from 556 to 539 B.C. and offers in its notes a rich collection of source material. The remainder of the book is a defense of the writer's higher critical view that the second part of Isaiah contains a history of the last phase of the Babylonian Empire written in the form of a prophecy after the events described had taken place.

Wiseman, D. J. Chronicles of Chaldean Kings (626-556 b.c.) in the British Museum. London: Trustees of the British Museum, 1961. 99 pp., plates. A series of tablets long owned by the museum but not published (except one, in 1923) until 1956, with text, translation, and historical introduction. In recounting the annual military campaigns these chronicles give exact dates for the accession of Nabopolassar and Nebuchadnezzar, and for the capture of Jerusalem and its king (Jehoiachin) in 597; they also settle the question of the year of Josiah's death. For further notes on this subject see Vol. II, p. 99.

Chronology of Exile and Restoration

I. Introduction

The chronology of the historical books included in this volume (aside from that of Chronicles, which is covered in the treatment of Kings in Volume II) embraces the Babylonian exile and the restoration--that is, from the reign of Nebuchadnezzar in the Neo-Babylonian Empire to that of Darius II in the Persian Empire that followed it. In this period, more than in any other, the Bible narrative can be aligned with the sequence of historical events and with the ebb and flow of political, religious, and social forces in the Near East. This is possible because modern archaeologists have unearthed many monumental inscriptions and thousands of public and private documents. The latter were written mostly on clay tablets in Mesopotamia, with a smaller number on papyri in Egypt, some of which were found still rolled up and sealed.

These ancient original documents include contracts, deeds, other legal papers, letters, receipts, literary, historical, or religious texts, decrees, and diplomatic correspondence, written by professional scribes, but mostly relating to individuals. They furnish significant details about property, debts, wages, taxes, and the cost of living. They throw light on social customs--slavery, marriage, divorce--and occasionally reveal unexpected items of human interest. A mere inventory of personal property draws a vivid picture of a bride's trousseau--her new dresses, one flounced, another striped, and so on--complete with her wicker clothes chest, her bronze mirror and bowls, and her little pots of cosmetics. A series of dated receipts tells a story of graft at the capital. And the date lines, in terms of the numbered years of many successive kings, are of prime importance in dating the reigns.

These ancient documents have piled up in museum storerooms faster than they can be translated and published. For example, the Brooklyn Museum Papyri, acquired more than 50 years before they were published in 1953, furnish a link in the chain of evidence for the Jewish calendar after the Exile, hence for the dating of Ezra and Nehemiah, and thus of the decree of Artaxerxes "to restore and to build Jerusalem," on which two important time prophecies hinge.

In Ezra and Nehemiah, in Jeremiah and Daniel, in Haggai and Zechariah, are numerous dates in terms of the years of certain kings in the Neo-Babylonian and Persian empires. These dates can be located with a greater degree of certainty than those of any preceding or subsequent period of Bible history, and some of them are connected with important events such as the fall of Jerusalem, or prophecies such as the 70-year captivity or the 70 weeks.

Many events of the captivity and restoration of the Jews can be dated with certainty to the year, and often to the day--allowing always for the possibility of a day's variation in the calculation of a lunar-calendar date, and sometimes of a month in case of uncertainty as to which year had the 13th month (see Vol. II, pp. 119, 120). Therefore in Volume III exact b.c. dates are sometimes given, with the high probability that they are correct to the day. The Babylonian month dates are derived from Parker and Dubberstein, Babylonian Chronology, and the 5th century Jewish dates from the tabulation by Horn and Wood reproduced on pp. 108, 109. In some cases there is room for difference of opinion. For this reason a discussion of the means of arriving at these dates, and of the probable degree of certainty, is desirable. It is the purpose of this article to explain the dating employed in Volume III. Section II of this article will show how the archeological source documents provide the basis for a relatively complete b.c. dating of these reigns. Then Section II will take up the specific problems of Biblical chronology for this period.

II. Chronological Background of the Period Established

Ptolemy's Canon.--The reigns of Babylonian and Persian kings during the captivity-restoration period are well established by numerous source documents. Most of these have come to light in recent decades. But formerly scholars depended on the canon, or list, of kings compiled by the Egyptian astronomer Ptolemy in the 2d century a.d. (see Vol. II, pp. 152-155 for a discussion, including a tabulation of the complete canon on p. 154). Ptolemy's Canon gives the lengths of the successive reigns of Babylonian, Persian, Macedonian-Egyptian, and Roman rulers from February 26, 747 B.C., to Ptolemy's day, reckoned in Egyptian years. This scale of Egyptian calendar years has been definitely fixed by a series of eclipses mentioned by Ptolemy in his astronomical work known as The Almagest--eclipses dated to the day and hour in the Egyptian-calendar reckoning and identified with specific b.c. dates by modern astronomers.

Ptolemy's Canon was derived from ancient records, and was subsequently recopied many times before it became available to modern scholars. Therefore some chronologists of a century or two ago felt free to revise the canon dating according to their theories. But in recent times Ptolemy's accuracy has been increasingly confirmed by documents much more ancient than the canon, and free from the accumulated small errors so often found in recopied manuscripts.

Babylonian Tablets Outline the Reigns.--Since the birth of modern archeology, the gradually accumulating information derived from the Babylonian clay tablets has pieced together a pattern not only of the historical background but also of the chronology of the period. However trivial the contents of these documents, the date lines of a series of them, when arranged in time order, show approximately the time of the year at which each king came to the throne.

For example, if all the known tablets written during a series of reigns are arranged in time order, it will be noticed that the latest dated in one reign and the earliest in the succeeding reign are very close together, sometimes on the same day. A series of tablets might be compiled thus:

The italicized dates show that the first tablet in the reign of Amel-Marduk (Biblical Evil-merodach) is dated the 26th of the 6th month, the same day as the last dated in the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, and that the last dated to Amel-Marduk, on the 17th of the 5th month of his 2d year, is followed in less than a week, on the 23d of the 5th month, by a tablet dated in the reign of his successor. Thus the length of his rule is known almost exactly. The series is similar for other reigns, with the earliest tablets in the "beginning of the reign" coming in the last part of the year that had begun as the last numbered year of the preceding king. Occasionally the tablet dates overlap, because documents written in distant villages were still dated in the old reign until news of the king's death arrived, while scribes in the capital were using the new king's name.

The series of earliest and latest tablets, whenever available, corroborates the lengths of the Babylonian and Persian reigns as given in Ptolemy's Canon, and points out approximately the month and day of the new king's accession. (Two Babylonian chronicle tablets give exact accession dates for Nabopolassar and Nebuchadnezzar; see the entry under "Wiseman" on page 84). Dated tablets also show that the remaining portion of the last calendar year of the old king, between the change of reign and the next New Year's Day (Nisan 1, in the spring) was called the "beginning of the reign," or, as modern translators put it, "accession year," while "year 1" was the first full cale

Series of Tablets Give Relative Chronology.--The tablets of this type (or the similar papyri from Egypt) supply only relative chronology. The whole series of Babylonian regnal years remains on a sliding scale in relation to the b.c. scale until we have some established b.c. dating on which to anchor the series. Ptolemy's Canon and his eclipse records fix the b.c. dating of the years of the Egyptian calendar, not that of Babylonian. Although the incomplete series of relatively dated Babylonian tablets seems to agree with Ptolemy, they are not conclusive, because they are dated in a different calendar, and are sometimes subject to varying interpretations. The Saros Tablets (from the Seleucid period) contain a list of regnal years, 18 years apart in the saros cycle. These regnal years harmonize with Ptolemy and with the dated tablets as to the lengths of the reigns, but do not independently fix any b.c. date. But two tablets have furnished a check on Ptolemy's Canon and offer definite, contemporary evidence for the b.c. equivalents of the Babylonian years. These will be discussed next.

Two Astronomical Tablets Fix Babylonian Dating.--Of unique value are two independent tablets--contemporary texts, each giving astronomical data covering a whole year. The first of these, from the 37th year of Nebuchadnezzar, contains a series of observations from Nisan 1 (Babylonian New Year's Day), year 37, through Nisan 1, year 38 (see Vol. II, p. 152). The date for a single observation might be suspected of error, but modern astronomers tell us that a combination of records such as that appearing on this tablet, relating to the positions, of sun, moon, and planets, all of which move in differing cycles, can be located exactly in only one year. Nebuchadnezzar's 37th year was beyond doubt the Babylonian lunar-calendar year extending from April 23, 568 B.C. (to be exact, April 22/23, sundown to sundown) through April 12, 567 B.C. This of course places the 1st official year (that is, the first full year) of Nebuchadnezzar at 604/03 B.C., spring to spring, and similarly fixes all the years of his reign.

The second text of this kind contains a similar series of calculated astronomical data (proved correct by modern computation) fixing the 7th year of Cambyses as the Babylonian calendar year April 7, 523, to March 26, 522 B.C. (The Persian rulers, as kings of Babylon also, adopted the Babylonian calendar.) This tablet of Cambyses' reign is particularly interesting because among other data it records an eclipse (calculated to have occurred on July 16, 523 B.C.) that is identical with one dated by Ptolemy in the same 7th year. Thus both ancient dating scales--the Egyptian solar years of Ptolemy and the Babylonian-Persian lunar years--are aligned with a fixed point in the b.c. scale and with each other.

Alignment of Egyptian and Babylonian Years.--This eclipse establishes the alignment of Ptolemy's Egyptian years with the corresponding Babylonian years. Ptolemy began the 1st year of Cambyses by the Egyptian calendar on Thoth 1, January 3, 529 B.C., approximately three months before Cambyses' 1st year began in the Babylonian calendar. Other source evidence shows that throughout this period any given year of any reign began, similarly, three to four months earlier in the Egyptian calendar than the same year in the Babylonian-Persian reckoning. The interval became progressively longer, because the Babylonian year always began following a new moon of March or April (see Vol. II, pp. 116, 117), while the Egyptian year had a gradual backward shift, as can be seen by referring to Vol. II, p. 154, last column (for the reason for this shift, see note 3 below; also Vol. I, p. 176; Vol. II, p. 104).

Double-dated Papyri From Egypt Yield Exact Dates.--A contemporary check on the b.c. dating of the Persian reigns during the greater part of the 5th century b.c. is furnished by numerous documents written on papyrus in the Aramaic language and found at the Jewish settlement on the island of Elephantine, in southern Egypt (see pp. 79-81, 103-107; Vol. II, pp. 118, 119). Fourteen out of approximately one hundred of these are double-dated, carrying an Egyptian (solar) month date and a Jewish (lunar) month date, and in some cases two regnal year numbers differing in the two calendars. These double dates can be located in the b.c. scale within range of a single day.

These papyri are in complete harmony with the pattern indicated by the other chronological information on these reigns. Their Egyptian dating, agreeing with Ptolemy's regnal years, shows that Ptolemy's Canon was based on contemporary Egyptian reckoning. Their Jewish dates, reckoned by the accession-year system, harmonize with the Babylonian-Persian numbering, but not the beginning, of the years, for one of the papyri shows clearly that these Jews were using their own fall-to-fall civil year, not the spring-to-spring Babylonian year (see p. 105).

Thus by the two astronomically fixed years (the 37th of Nebuchadnezzar and the 7th of Cambyses), and by the double-dated papyri from Egypt, the regnal years of six of the Babylonian and Persian kings are positively known on contemporary evidence. Ptolemy's eclipses add two more reigns that are apparently in harmony with these six. If the lengths of the other reigns as we have them are correct (and the evidence on these--from Ptolemy's Canon, the Saros Tablets, and the series of dated tablets from Babylonia--seems to harmonize), then we can be certain of the b.c. equivalent of every regnal year of every Babylonian and Persian king throughout the period covered in this volume, as reckoned in both the Egyptian solar and the Babylonian lunar calendars.

How to Locate b.c. Dating of a Regnal Year.--The reader who desires to locate any given Babylonian or Persian regnal year may refer to the table of Ptolemy's Canon (Vol. II, p. 154). The b.c. dates given in the two supplementary columns at the right indicate the beginning of the official 1st year of each reign according to the Egyptian calendar (except that Ptolemy leaves out those kings who ruled less than a year, such as Labashi-Marduk, who followed Nergal-sharusur). From the year 1, any other year in the reign can be calculated to the day by computing years of exactly 365 days each, with no leap year. Throughout this period each Babylonian-Persian regnal year (in the Babylonian calendar) began on the next Nisan 1 after the corresponding Egyptian New Year; it always began after a new moon of late March or April. Thus the 1st year of Xerxes in the Egyptian calendar was 486/85 B.C. (beginning in December), but his year 1 in Babylonia was 485/84 B.C., spring to spring, while the corresponding Jewish year for Xerxes would presumably begin last of all, in the autumn of 485 (Tishri 1, following a new moon of late September to late October). But this Jewish sequence is not consistent. In some reigns the Jewish year would precede the corresponding Babylonian year by six months, while in others it would follow, depending on which New Year's Day--Babylonian or Jewish--arrived first after the date of accession to usher in the 1st year of the reign.

Section II has summarized the established basis on which any date in this period that is expressed in terms of regnal years can be computed. On the Egyptian and Babylonian-Persian dating scholars in general are agreed; the only room for variance of opinion is a difference in certain dates as calculated in the Babylonian spring-to-spring year and the Jewish fall-to-fall civil year. This difference will be discussed in the following sections of this article in connection with specific Biblical dates relating to the captivity and restoration of the Jews.

III. Beginning of the Captivity Under Nebuchadnezzar

The book of 2 Chronicles ends, and Ezra begins, with the narrative of the return of the Jews to Palestine from 70 years' captivity in Babylonia. The first chronological problem of this article, therefore, is the dating of the Exile.

The 70 Years Predicted by Jeremiah.--The 70 years' captivity has generally been accepted as beginning with the first deportation of Jews to Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar, and as ending with the return of a large group of the exiles under Zerubbabel, authorized by a decree of Cyrus in his 1st regnal year. The period has often been dated 606-536 B.C. Since an ancient lunar year cannot coincide with a Julian-calendar b.c. year beginning with January, ancient years are more accurately expressed in double form, thus: 606/05 B.C., etc. Therefore, to express it more exactly, this 70-year period would be, in the Jewish civil calendar, 606/05-537/36 B.C.

Jeremiah first predicted the 70-year captivity in the 4th year of Jehoiakim, or the 1st year of Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. 25:1-11), which was, according to the Jewish civil calendar, 605/04 B.C., from autumn to autumn. However, he still spoke of a 70-year captivity in a letter to the leaders who had been exiled to Babylon along with Jehoiachin seven years after his earlier prophecy (Jer. 29:1, 10). It would seem logical, then, to suppose that the prophetic period was reckoned, not from either prediction, but from a specific event, one that most reasonably fulfilled the requirements of the prophecy, namely, the beginning of the captivity. Both of the prophet's predictions evidently referred to the captivity already begun (as will be seen) in the 3d year of Jehoiakim (Dan. 1:1-6).

The Captivity in Three Stages.--The deportation to Babylonia took place in three principal stages, in the reigns of the last three kings of Judah:

(1) in the 3d year of Jehoiakim, when some of the Temple treasures and a number of captives, including Daniel, were taken to Babylon (Dan. 1:1-3);

(2) at the end of the three-month reign of Jehoiachin, in the 8th year of Nebuchadnezzar (2 Kings 24:8-16), when Jehoiachin, with others including Ezekiel, was taken captive (Eze. 1:1-3; 33:21; 40:1; see p. 92); and

(3) in the 11th year of Zedekiah, the 19th year of Nebuchadnezzar, when Jerusalem and the Temple were destroyed and the larger portion of the remaining inhabitants were deported to Babylonia (2 Kings 25:8-21; see p. 93).

Since Nebuchadnezzar's reign is fixed astronomically (see p. 88), these three stages can be dated at 605, 597, and 586 respectively (see Vol. II, pp. 160, 161).

First Stage at Nebuchadnezzar's Accession.--The beginning of the captivity came in Nebuchadnezzar's accession year, before his year 1, for

(1) the 3d year of Jehoiakim was the year in which Nebuchadnezzar came against Judah and took Daniel captive (Dan. 1:1-3, 6); and

(2) the 4th year of Jehoiakim was the 1st of Nebuchadnezzar (Jer. 25:1).

Corroborating this are (a) the record of Josephus (Against Apion i. 19), derived from that of the Babylonian historian Berosus, that Nebuchadnezzar was on a military campaign to Palestine and Egypt when suddenly called home to take the throne at the death of his father, Nabopolassar, and that he left captives, including Jews, to be brought home by the army; and (b) the Babylonian Chronicle tablet (see pp. 46, 84) that dates his father's death on Ab 8 (approximately August 15 in 605) and Nebuchadnezzar's accession in Babylon on Elul 1 (approximately September 7).

Accordingly, Nebuchadnezzar's official 1st year would begin in Babylonia at the next New Year's Day, in the spring of 604 B.C. (see p. 88). According to the Jewish reckoning, however, by the fall-to-fall civil year, it would be counted as beginning at the next Jewish New Year after the accession, about October, 605, not long after the first deportation. The prophecy of Jeremiah could have come very soon after, in the 4th year of Jehoiakim. Everyone would naturally have understood his 70-year prediction as referring to the captivity that had just begun. This date for the captivity, the 3d year of Jehoiakim, 605 B.C., is in complete harmony with the dating of Nebuchadnezzar's accession, and with the return of the exiles at the end of 70 years, inclusive (see p. 97).

The Older Theory of Nebuchadnezzar's Supposed Coregency.--Earlier commentators reached a different date in their attempt to account for (1) "Nebuchadnezzar king of Babylon" taking Daniel captive in the 3d year of Jehoiakim before the 1st year of his reign (the 4th year of Jehoiakim); (2) Daniel's three years of training (Dan. 1:5) before the 2d year of Nebuchadnezzar (Dan. 2:1, 13); and (3) 70 years between the 1st year of Nebuchadnezzar and the 1st year of Cyrus (which Ptolemy placed in 604 and 538 B.C. respectively).

In seeking to solve these apparent discrepancies, Bible scholars equated Jehoiakim's 4th year with 606 as the 1st year of a conjectured 2-year coregency of Nebuchadnezzar with his father; they assigned Nebuchadnezzar's dream to the 2d year of his sole reign, with three years in between for Daniel's schooling; and they reckoned the 70 years from 606 to 536, to which they adjusted the 1st year of Cyrus (see note 10). Eventually this explanation came to be taken for granted, and to be regarded as established history instead of a learned conjecture.

Now, however, the supposed discrepancies in the Bible have vanished completely in the light of the documents unearthed by modern archeology. The account is confirmed as it stands, for it is now known that: (1) Nebuchadnezzar was king for some months before his "first year" began; (2) Daniel's training--if if it began in Nebuchadnezzar's accession year, extended through the 1st year, and ended in the 2d year--would have been counted as lasting three years by the inclusive reckoning commonly used at that time (see Vol. II, pp. 136, 137); and (3) the use of the Jewish fall-to-fall civil year makes it possible to reckon the 70 years inclusively from 606/05 to 537/36 B.C. without juggling the reigns.

The Dating of the 70 Years' Captivity.--If the first year of the 70-year captivity foretold by Jeremiah was 606/05 B.C., autumn to autumn--the 3d year of Jehoiakim, in which Daniel and others were taken to Babylon--then the 70th year of that period was 537/36 B.C. It will be seen, furthermore, in Section V (pp. 96, 97) that the return of the exiles under Zerubbabel, following the decree of the 1st year of Cyrus, can be assigned reasonably to this year.

Before leaving the period of the beginning of the captivity, however, it is necessary to note the basis for the dating of the second and third steps in the process. This is found in the chronology of Jeremiah, who predicted the 70 years' captivity, and of Ezekiel, who was exiled to Babylonia with Jehoiachin.

IV. The Chronology of Jeremiah and Ezekiel

Dates in Jeremiah and Ezekiel.--The prophet Jeremiah began his work in the 13th year of Josiah, approximately 627 B.C. (Jer. 25:3), not long before the accession of Nabopolassar, Nebuchadnezzar's father, who was soon to win Babylon's independence from Assyria, to join with the Medes and Scythians to overthrow Assyria, and then to build an empire of his own (known as the Neo-Babylonian Empire). During these international upheavals Jeremiah warned that Judah must repent or fall a prey to foreign powers. In the 4th year of Jehoiakim, "the first year of Nebuchadnezzar," he foretold the 70-year captivity, and many of his messages are dated to the month, day, and regnal year of Jehoiakim or Zedekiah (see Jer. 25:1; 26:1; 45:1; 36:9, 10; 28:1; 51:59; 39:1; 32:1). His ministry to Judah ended with the third principal stage of the captivity, at the fall of Jerusalem in 586.

Ezekiel was taken to Babylon with his king, Jehoiachin, in the 8th year of Nebuchadnezzar (see on 2 Kings 24:12; also on 2 Chron. 36:9, 10), in the second principal stage of the captivity, in the spring of 597 B.C. Then he received his prophetic call in the 5th year of the captivity of Jehoiachin (Eze. 1:2), and dated his prophetic messages in years reckoned in era fashion from this captivity (see Eze. 1:1, 2; 8:1; 20:1; 24:1; 29:1; 26:1; 30:20; 31:1; 33:21; 32:1; 40:1; 29:17). His chronological reckoning must be considered in connection with that of Jeremiah, who dealt with some of the same events. Seven principal events are tabulated here, dated in years of Jehoiachin's captivity and regnal years of Zedekiah (with b.c. dates as arrived at in the succeeding paragraphs).

Day

Month

Yr. of J's Capt.

Yr. of Zedek.

Event

Text

B.C. Date

1. 10

10

9

Beginning of siege (Eze.)

Eze. 24:1, 2

Jan. 588

2. 10

10

9

Beginning of siege (Jer.)

Jer. 39:1; 52:4

Jan. 588

3. 9

4

11

End of siege; city falls

Jer. 39:2

July 586

4. 10

5

11

City and Temple destroyed

Jer. 1:3; 52:12

Aug. 586

5. 5

10

12

Message reaches Ezekiel

Eze. 33:21

Jan. 585

6. 10

1? 7?

25

14th yr. from city's fall

Eze. 40:1

573/72

7. 25

12

37

Jehoiachin released in "the year" of Evil-merodach

Jer. 52:31; cf. 2 Kings 25:27

March 561

The foregoing events from the books of Jeremiah and Ezekiel must be dated consistently with one another; also with Jeremiah's statement (ch. 32:1) synchronizing Zedekiah's 10th year and Nebuchadnezzar's 18th, and with those (Jer. 52:5, 12; 2 Kings 25:2, 8) placing the fall and destruction of Jerusalem in the summer of Zedekiah's 11th year and Nebuchadnezzar's 19th. The latter's regnal years, astronomically fixed in the Babylonian spring-to-spring calendar, would begin half a year earlier in the Jewish civil (fall-to-fall) calendar (see p. 91); hence this summer date, in the half year during which the spring and fall years overlapped, would be in year 19 in either calendar, that is, in 586 B.C. But Jehoiachin's capture, which a Babylonian chronicle (see p. 46) dates on Adar 2 in Nebuchadnezzar's 7th year (approximately March 16, 597 B.C.), falls in his year 8 by Jewish count (being in the nonoverlapping part of th

The Various Possibilities Tested.--Opinions differ as to (a) whether Jeremiah and Ezekiel counted the years from spring or fall, and (b) whether the "1st year" of Jehoiachin's captivity meant the year in which he was captured or the one beginning next thereafter, but it may be assumed (1) that both writers agree in dating the beginning of the siege, (2) that the news of the city's fall must reach Ezekiel in a reasonable time (in 6 rather than 18 months), and (3) that Jehoiachin's release must fall in either the accession year or the year 1 of Amel-Marduk (see Vol. II, p. 161). A consideration of all possible combinations of the variables (a) and (b), along with the above-mentioned specifications, seems to yield two most probable alternatives.

The b.c. Datings of Jeremiah and Ezekiel.--The precise methods of reckoning used by Jeremiah and Ezekiel cannot be absolutely proved on the basis of probability, since what is most probable is not always what actually happened. But the best of the various possible combinations make it most likely that Jeremiah used the fall year and Ezekiel the spring year, although it is almost equally likely that Ezekiel reckoned from the fall as well as Jeremiah. In either case Ezekiel's "1st year of the captivity" would begin in the spring or fall of 597, and Jeremiah's 1st year of Zedekiah in the fall of that year. On this basis the tabulated dates of the events (p. 92) agree remarkably.

If Ezekiel, writing in Babylonia, employed the Babylonian calendar year, his use of the spring year would have no bearing on the question of the Jewish calendar year. But it seems extremely unlikely that Jeremiah, living and writing in the capital of Judah, should have used anything but the old Jewish civil fall-to-fall year, especially since it seems to be attested in the case of Josiah, under whom Jeremiah began his ministry. Some have pointed also to Jeremiah's writing his messages in the 4th year of Jehoiakim, and having the scroll read to the people in the 9th month of the 5th year (Jer. 36:1-9), as more likely indicating an interval of two months plus (in the case of the fall year beginning in the 7th month) rather than nine months plus (as in the case of a spring year beginning with the 1st month). Further, the fall-to-fall year and the inclusive reckoning not only agree with the synchronisms in Kings, but also best harmonize Jeremiah's prophecy of a 70-year captivity with the historical facts for the reigns of Nebuchadnezzar and Cyrus, at the beginning and end of that period.

V. Captivity Ends in Reign of Cyrus

Mention of the Babylonian captivity as the fulfillment of Jeremiah's 70-year prophecy is followed immediately by that of Cyrus' decree of his 1st year in which he encouraged the Jewish exiles to return to their homeland (see 2 Chron. 36:21-23). Even before this decree Daniel had been anticipating the end of the 70 years. When Cyrus, already named in prophecy (Isa. 44:28; Isa. 45:1), conquered the empire that had taken the Jews captive, Daniel knew that the time was near (Dan. 9:1, 2). Before proceeding to a discussion of the end of the 70-year period, it will be necessary to examine the chronology of the capture of Babylon by Cyrus and the dating of his reign.

The Conquest of Babylon by Cyrus.--Nabonidus, long known from Ptolemy's Canon (see Vol. II, p. 154) as the last king of the Neo-Babylonian Empire, was conquered by the forces of Cyrus according to several contemporary accounts. The Cyrus Cylinder tells of the taking of Babylon without a pitched battle and of the immediate acceptance of his kingship (see p. 55). The Nabonidus Chronicle places the fall of Babylon in the 7th month of Nabonidus' 17th year. This date, as reckoned from Nebuchadnezzar's astronomically fixed 37th year onward, through the intervening reigns according to Ptolemy's Canon and the tablets, would be in October, 539 B.C. Likewise, reckoning back from Cambyses' 7th year, which is also astronomically fixed, we find that the 1st year of Cyrus as king of Babylon began in the spring of 538, the next Babylonian New Year's Day after the fall of Babylon. This date, according to both the Canon of Ptolemy and the contemporary tablets, is accepted today without scholarly dispute as the official Babylonian reckoning (for Jewish reckoning see pp. 96, 97).

Belshazzar and Darius the Mede.--But where do Belshazzar, the last "king of the Chaldeans," and Darius the Mede, who took over his kingdom, enter the picture if the reign of Cyrus followed immediately after that of Nabonidus?

It is now known that Belshazzar's kingship was not a separate chronological period following that of his father Nabonidus, but a joint rule in his father's name. Tablets have been found identifying Belshazzar as the king's eldest son, and as his representative during the father's absence at Tema, in northwestern Arabia (from probably the 3d to at least the 11th year of Nabonidus). The "Persian Verse Account of Nabonidus" says that Nabonidus "entrusted the kingship" to his eldest son "in the third year." This is generally understood to mean in the 3d regnal year (553/52, spring to spring). However, it has been suggested that "the third year" refers to the 3d after the completion of a temple at Haran. Since the text says that this entrusting of the kingship to the son took place when Nabonidus was about to begin his conquest of Tema, and since he was in Tema before the 7th regnal year, this could not have been later than the 6th year (550/49). Thus for some years Belshazzar was an actual king, subordinate in rank but not in power in the government of Babylonia. Tablets written during his administration are dated in the years of his father, Nabonidus, the titular ruler of the land. Thus Belshazzar, the son and coregent, as the second ruler, could appropriately offer to make Daniel "third ruler in the kingdom" (Dan. 5:16, 29). On Belshazzar see Additional Note on Daniel 5.

The chronological scheme allows just as much room for "Darius the Mede"--a name yet unknown in extra-Biblical contemporary records--as a ruler as it does for Belshazzar as a ruler, though there was a day when the latter was unknown, except in the Bible record.

That a "king" called Darius lived and reigned is not in question. The Bible record is clear. The only point in question is the relationship of his reign to that of Cyrus. It is evident that he reigned either before Cyrus or contemporaneously with him. Now the Babylonian records of that time and the Canon of Ptolemy count Cyrus' reign as beginning immediately after the last year of Nabonidus. Therefore a reign of Darius the Mede contemporary with Cyrus would be in harmony with Scripture and secular records.

A further reason for viewing Cyrus as holding supreme power from the time of Babylon's fall may reasonably be drawn from the fact that the Bible forecast that he was to be the conqueror of that great city, and thus of the great empire it represented (see Isa. 45:1).

When Babylon fell, Darius, "of the seed of the Medes ... was made king over the realm of the Chaldeans" (Dan. 9:1). Even though Cyrus, the invincible conqueror of Babylon (Isa. 45:1), was at the same time listed in the contemporary records as ruler, and had control of the new Persian Empire, it is not unreasonable to assume that he allowed Darius the Mede certain royal prerogatives for political reasons. On this assumption we may speak of Cyrus as taking over at the death of Darius the Mede.

This commentary, which seeks always to find a harmony between the inspired record and contemporary historical documents, sets forth the view that no necessary conflict exists between belief in Darius the Mede as a "king," and also in Cyrus as a conqueror ruling immediately upon the collapse of Babylon.

The Bible does not say how long Darius the Mede reigned after he "was made king"; it merely mentions his 1st year (Dan. 9:1; cf. ch. 11:1). By the Babylonian reckoning, the fact that he had a 1st year would indicate that he ruled at least parts of two years--his accession year and his year 1 (see Vol. II, pp. 137, 138). The absence of any further mention of him may mean that he never had a year 2, and that about that time Cyrus himself took over those royal honors or functions he had formerly allowed to Darius (see note 10).

Cyrus' First Year Begins New Empire.--It has been explained that the Babylonian sources place the fall of Babylon late in 539 and year 1 of Cyrus as beginning in the spring of 538. That accounts for the importance of 538 as marking the 1st year of the new empire, under Persian leadership, that succeeded the Babylonian. Cyrus had ruled as king for a number of years before he conquered Babylon, first of Anshan, then of Persia, afterward adding Media (including much of the territory of the former Assyrian Empire), and Lydia in Asia Minor (see the Nabonidus Chronicle; the Cyrus Cylinder; Herodotus i.46, 73, 75, 87, 88, 127-130; Strabo xv.3.8; Ctesias, cited in Diodorus Siculus ii.34.6, 7; Xenophon tells a different story in his Cyropaedia i.1.4; i.5. 2-5; vii.5.37, 58, 70; viii.1.5-11; viii.5.17-19). But when Cyrus captured Babylon, he immeasurably increased his prestige in becoming master of the mother-city of ancient Semitic civilization, and thus the 1st year of his control of Babylon was called the 1st year of his reign. In his proclamation to his Babylonian subjects he proudly styled himself "Cyrus, king of the universe, great king, mighty king, king of Babylon, king of Sumer and Akkad, king of the world quarters." Thus Cyrus conquered the Semitic world, and he lacked only Egypt (later to be added by his son) to round out the great Persian Empire, one that embraced the eastern Mediterranean world and stretched to the borders of India.

The short-lived Neo-Babylonian Empire, flowering briefly in the glories of Nebuchadnezzar's golden city, was the first of Daniel's series of four world powers, but also the last phase of ancient Semitic domination. Now the second of Daniel's series, Cyrus' new Persian Empire, marked the passing of leadership to the Indo-European peoples, who later, through the Greeks and Romans, were to develop the civilization that gave Europe its long dominant position.

Cyrus' First Year in Relation to the Jews.--According to Scripture statements Cyrus' decree permitting the Jewish exiles to return to Judea was issued in his first year (2 Chron. 36:22; Ezra 1:1; Ezra 5:13). Since the fall of Babylon took place in Tishri (the 7th month) of 539 (see p. 94), the year 1 of Cyrus began, by the reckoning of the Babylonian tablets, in the spring of 538. But the Jews reckoned differently; their civil years began in the autumn (see Vol. II, pp. 108-110, 116). The city fell after the Jewish New Year's Day had passed. Hence the first Jewish year of the new regime could not have begun before the next Jewish New Year, Tishri 1, in the autumn of 538. By Jewish reckoning the decree might have been promulgated late in 537. It was necessarily issued some considerable time before the actual migration. If the decree was given in 537, and the journey of the exiles followed in the spring of 536, this would fulfill the 70 years of Jeremiah. A repatriation in the Jewish fall-to-fall year 537/36 would still be 70 years, inclusive, from the beginning of the Exile in the late summer of 605 (in the Jewish year 606/05).

The available information enables us to establish the 70 years as extending from about the time of the beginning of Nebuchadnezzar's reign to somewhere near the beginning of Cyrus' reign, but the exact b.c. dates are difficult to fix. More than one explanation has been offered in regard to the end of the period, the difference in method depending on the interpretation of the data concerning Cyrus and Darius the Mede. The dates for the captivity are not pivotal points as are the dates involved in the time prophecies of Daniel; hence are not matters of doctrine. A detailed, long-term prophecy like the 70 weeks, on the other hand, is on an entirely different basis (on its starting point see Section VIII).

It is to be hoped that just as archeology has cleared up the once-puzzling problem of Belshazzar, for instance, it will someday throw more light on Darius the Mede, the reign of Cyrus, and the end of the 70 years of Jeremiah.

Two other 70-year periods will be explained in section VI.

VI. The Period of the Rebuilding of the Temple

Building Program Begun.--Under Cyrus' decree Zerubbabel, a prince of Judah, led 42,360 exiles to their homeland (see Ezra 1, 2). Then Zerubbabel's pioneers gathered at Jerusalem, and on the 1st of the 7th month reinstituted the sacrificial services on the rebuilt altar in the court of the ruined Temple (Ezra 3:1-6). Not until the following spring, in the 2d month of the 2d year of their return (v. 8), did they begin to lay the foundation of their new sanctuary, and the painful contrast between the present small beginning and the past glory made the old men weep while the multitude shouted for joy.

Hindrances Until the Reign of Darius I.--Then, says Ezra, the adversaries of the Jews in the half-pagan province of Samaria (see on 2 Kings 17:23, 34; Ezra 4:2; 9:1) offered first help and then hindrance. They "hired counsellors against them, to frustrate their purpose, all the days of Cyrus king of Persia, even until the reign of Darius king of Persia" (Ezra 4:5). The sequence of Ezra 4 is debated, but the order of these kings has no bearing on any definite dates or on the fact that the reconstruction of the Temple "ceased unto the second year of the reign of Darius" (Ezra 4:24). This 2d year of Darius I was 520/19 B.C.

Construction Resumed in Reign of Darius.--After the long period of discouragement, during which the building program had ceased, the flagging zeal of the returned exiles was renewed by messages from the prophets Haggai and Zechariah in the 2d year of Darius (Ezra 5:1, 2). They set to work on the Temple again, whereupon Tatnai, the governor of the province of "Beyond the River," of which Judea was a part, asked for their authorization for the construction. Their claim to having authorization was verified by the finding of Cyrus' decree in Ecbatana (Ezra 6:2, margin). Darius, who was himself a monotheist and an imitator of the liberal policies of Cyrus, offered financial aid.

The Temple Finished Under Three Decrees.--Then with opposition effectively removed, and with the enthusiastic leadership of the prophets, "they builded, and finished it, according to the commandment of the God of Israel, and according to the commandment of Cyrus, and Darius, and Artaxerxes king of Persia. And this house was finished on the third day of the month Adar, which was in the sixth year of the reign of Darius the king" (Ezra 6:14, 15), or approximately March 12, 515 B.C. Thus the actual building was finished in the reign of the second of the three kings mentioned in this text as issuing decrees in relation to the Temple--the edicts of Cyrus (about 537), Darius 1 (sometime after 520), and Artaxerxes I (458/57)--but further work was done on the Temple under the third decree, that of Artaxerxes (see on Ezra 6:14 and 7:27). On 457 as the year in which Ezra put this decree into effect, see Sections VIII and IX.

Ezra's account of the resumption of the Temple construction in the 2d year of Darius mentions the prophets Haggai and Zechariah, whose books furnish several additional specific dates in this period that must be discussed next.

The Chronology of Haggai and Zechariah.--The seven dates in the books of Haggai and Zechariah will be considered together, since all but one of them fell in the 2d year of Darius I, and since the two prophets, being contemporaries and colleagues, presumably used the same calendar. These dates are specific; and only two of them are uncertain, because of difference of opinion as to whether the 2d year of Darius is to be reckoned in the Babylonian-Persian spring-to-spring calendar or by the Jewish fall-to-fall civil calendar. Since Darius reckoned his accession from the autumn of 522, his Babylonian year 1 began in the spring of 521, at the Babylonian New Year's Day, and his year 2 began in the spring of 520. But his accession year in the Jewish fall-to-fall civil calendar would end, and his 1st year begin, in the autumn of 521, when the next Jewish New Year's Day came; and his 2d year would begin in the autumn of 520. Darius' years always began a half-year later by the Jewish calendar.

Since the Babylonian year was reckoned by months 1 through 12, while the Jewish year began with the 7th month and ended with the 6th, the order of months in any specified year indicates which type it was. If the events described in Haggai are presented by him in chronological order, then the 6th month was followed by the 7th in Darius' 2d year (Haggai 1:15; 2:1); and this would indicate that Haggai was reckoning that year as consisting of months 1 through 12, beginning with the 1st month (Nisan), in the spring. This has been assumed by commentators and historians generally, not only because it is the order of the narrative, but because that was the reckoning used in Babylonia.

It is well established that the 2d year of Darius was 520/19 B.C., by either spring or fall reckoning. Then the lunar-month dates of Haggai and Zechariah, with the exception of the first two (Haggai 1:1, 15), can be assigned b.c. equivalents with certainty, for they fall in the half year in which the fall and spring years overlap.

The dates are listed here in the order in which they occur in Haggai, with those of Zechariah inserted in place. The b.c. equivalents, probably correct approximately to the day, except for the first two, are added in the last column:

Text

Month

Day

Year

b.c. Equivalent

Haggai

1:1

6

1

2d of Darius

[Aug. 29, 520?]

1:15

6

24

"

[Sept. 21, 520?]

2:1

7

21

"

Oct. 17, 520

Zech.

1:1

8

"

Oct./Nov. 520

Haggai

2:10, 18, 20

9

24

"

Dec. 18, 520

Zech.

1:7

11

24

"

Feb. 15, 519

7:1

9

4

4th of Darius

Dec. 7,

Zechariah's Seventy-Year Periods.--It has been noted that, in addition to Jeremiah's prediction of the captivity, there were two other 70-year periods related to the Exile, both mentioned in retrospect. These were the 70 years of "indignation" against Judah and Jerusalem and the 70 years of the fast of the fifth month (in commemoration of the destruction of the Temple), in two messages of Zechariah dated respectively in the 2d and 4th years of Darius (Zech. 1:7, 12; 7:1, 3-5), or 520/19 and 518/17 B.C. If these were the 70th year of each period, the 1st year of each was, respectively, 589/88 and 587/86. Now, two events appropriate to these periods are the beginning of the siege of Jerusalem by Nebuchadnezzar, assigned on the best evidence to 589/88 B.C., and the destruction of the Temple (in the 5th month) in the summer of 586 (that is, 587/86, fall to fall). Thus these two periods may be understood as accurate time statements of 70 years, inclusive. Some explain these as referring to the 70 years of Jeremiah. But they have every appearance of being separate (see note 10).

VII. The Chronology of Esther, in the Reign of Xerxes

The identification of the Ahasuerus of the book of Esther with Xerxes is generally accepted today, since the spelling of his name in the Hebrew ('Achashwerosh) is similar to that appearing in contemporary documents (see on Esther 1:1). The reign of Xerxes is known, not only from Ptolemy's Canon, but also from a double-dated Elephantine papyrus. Hence the chronology of Esther presents no problems. The months, which attest the postexilic Jewish form of the Babylonian month names, do not by their sequence determine whether the regnal years were counted from spring or fall, since the year number is not mentioned in connection with the later events. Since all the action takes place in the Persian capital, the dates are probably Persian, and hence have no bearing on the Jewish calendar. See p. 460 for the b.c. equivalents derived from the Parker-Dubberstein tables, which approximate with a very small margin of error the exact dating of the Babylonian-Persian calendar of that time.

VIII. Dating the Journeys of Ezra and Nehemiah

After the initial resettlement in the reign of Cyrus, the next two milestones in the repatriation of the Jews were the arrival of Ezra with another company of exiles under a decree of Artaxerxes (important for the period of the 70 weeks) in the 7th year of that king and the coming of Nehemiah in the 20th year. The chronology of these two events depends on determining (1) which of three kings named Artaxerxes (Artaxerxes I, 465-423; Artaxerxes II, 404-359/58; Artaxerxes III, 359/58-338/37) commissioned these two Jewish leaders, and (2) the exact regnal-year dating involved.

The Artaxerxes of Ezra and Nehemiah.--It was formerly taken for granted that the king whose 7th and 20th years are the key Biblical dates of this period was Artaxerxes I, son and successor of Xerxes, but since 1890 the opinion has been advanced, and increasingly accepted, that Ezra is to be dated in the time of Artaxerxes II. However, Nehemiah's connection with the first Artaxerxes is regarded as established, since one of the Elephantine papyri, dated 407 B.C., mentions the sons of Sanballat (see Additional Note 2 on Nehemiah 2).

If, then, the Artaxerxes of Nehemiah was Artaxerxes I, the narrative of Ezra-Nehemiah unquestionably places Ezra's journey to Jerusalem in the 7th year of the same king, 13 years before Nehemiah's. Both were recognized leaders of the community in the ceremony of the dedication of the walls (Neh. 12:36, 38). Furthermore, the reading of the law on New Year's Day, the 1st of the 7th month (Neh. 8:1-6, 9), could hardly have happened many years before Ezra was sent to Jerusalem (Ezra 7) with full authority to establish the civil and religious administration in Judea and to teach the law of God in Israel (for a discussion of the relative dating of Ezra and Nehemiah, see Additional Note on Ezra 7). Therefore we may accept the Biblical order and place the return of Ezra in the reign of Artaxerxes I.

The Circumstances of Artaxerxes I's Accession.--Since both Ezra and Nehemiah are dated by the chronology of Artaxerxes I, the source materials for this dating must be examined. A few historians have counted a short reign between Xerxes and Artaxerxes because the Egyptian king list of Manetho, and two early Christian chronographers who followed him, assigned seven months to Artabanus, the murderer of Xerxes. However the ancient Greek historians, while varying on the details, present Artaxerxes as the actual king but a puppet in the hands of Artabanus, the real power behind the throne, until he learned that Artabanus had murdered his father Xerxes and, indirectly, his older brother (p. 61), and also was planning to do away with him as well and ascend the throne openly. Thereupon Artaxerxes slew Artabanus and took over the kingdom. There was, until recently, a gap in the archeological evidence for this regnal transition. In the series of commercial tablets (see p. 86) from that period there are none dated in Xerxes' last (21st) year or Artaxerxes' accession year, and none even mentioning Artabanus.

The Years of Artaxerxes I Dated by Contemporary Documents.--The years of Artaxerxes' reign according to Ptolemy's Canon (see pp. 86, 87; also Vol. II, pp. 152-154) have long been known. In recent years this dating has been confirmed by eight double-dated Aramaic papyri written in a Jewish colony in Egypt (see pp. 88, 89 above) in eight different years of that reign. Thus Artaxerxes' year 1 in the Egyptian calendar was, without doubt, that beginning on Thoth 1 (December 17), 465 B.C. One of these papyri, written January 2/3, 464, is dated in (Xerxes') "year 21, accession year when King Artaxerxes sat on his throne." The Jewish scribe who wrote that was for some reason reluctant to abandon Xerxes' regnal years and date in Artaxerxes' name alone, even though if Artaxerxes was king, Xerxes was certainly dead. He was not dating in an Egyptian year; the Egyptian year 21 had ended, and this was now year 1--for so the Egyptians called the remainder of the calendar year in which a new king came in (see Vol. II, pp. 138, 139). Evidently this Jewish scribe was using his own calendar. The Jewish regnal reckoning was by a fall-to-fall year (pp. 105-107 below); therefore if a January 3 date was still in Artaxerxes' accession year, his year 1 began at the next Jewish New Year, in the fall of 464.

Locating the Seventh and Twentieth Years.--According to these three calendars the 1st year of Artaxerxes, and the years 7 and 20 as well, can be tabulated:

Year 1

Year 7

Year 20

By the Egyptian calendar (Dec.-Dec.)

465/64

459/58

446/45

By the Babylonian-Persian (spring-spring)

464/63

458/57

445/44

By the Jewish civil calendar (fall-fall)

464/63

458/57

445/44

There is no reason to suppose that the Bible writers would have used the Egyptian calendar. The b.c. dating of the journeys of Ezra and Nehemiah to Jerusalem hinges on whether, by Biblical reckoning, Artaxerxes' 7th and 20th years began with the 1st month, in spring, or with the 7th month, six months la

The Journeys of Ezra and Nehemiah.--The dates of Ezra's and Nehemiah's journeys, in terms of Artaxerxes' regnal years, are given as follows:

Year

Month

Day

7

1

1

Ezra and party set out for Judea

Ezra 7:9

7

1

12

Ezra and party leave Ahava

Ezra 8:31

7

5

1

Ezra and party arrive at Jerusalem

Ezra 7:8, 9

20

[9]

(Kislev)

Nehemiah receives news from Judea

Neh. 1:1

20

[1]

(Nisan)

Nehemiah gains permission to leave

Neh. 2:1

Ezra arrived at Jerusalem in the summer of Artaxerxes' 7th regnal year, and Nehemiah in the same season of the 20th year (see on Ezra 7:8; Neh. 6:15). Now the Babylonian-Persian 7th year began with the spring of 458 B.C. and ended in the spring of 457, thus covering the summer of 458; but the Jewish fall-to-fall 7th year, extending from the fall of 458 to the fall of 457, covered the summer of 457. If Ezra reached Jerusalem in the Babylonian-Persian 7th year, he obviously traveled in 458. On the other hand, if he arrived in the summer of the Jewish fall-to-fall 7th year, which did not end until the autumn of 457, he traveled in 457.

There is evidence for the fall-to-fall year in various periods of Hebrew history (see Vol. II, pp. 109, 110, 134, 146); also in the very book of Ezra-Nehemiah itself, for the two dates of Neh. 1:1 and 2:1 show that Kislev (the 9th month) preceded Nisan (the 1st month) in the same 20th year. Since regnal years were then customarily calendar years, and since that year could not have begun with the 1st month, the obvious and inescapable inference is that it was a Jewish calendar year beginning with the 7th month, that is, in the autumn. Therefore it would seem logical to assume without further question that Ezra went to Jerusalem in 457 and Nehemiah in 444, in the 7th and 20th years, respectively, of Artaxerxes I as reckoned by the Jewish civil calendar. But opinion has varied on this question, as will be seen in the next para

Changes in Dating of Artaxerxes.--Although many earlier authorities placed Ezra's return in 457, modern histories and reference books tend to give 458 for the 7th year of Artaxerxes, arrived at by the spring-to-spring reckoning. This is based on the assumption either (1) that the regnal dates of Artaxerxes, as a Persian king, must be reckoned by the Babylonian-Persian calendar, or (2) that the Jews themselves at this time counted regnal years from spring to spring. In either case the fall reckoning of Nehemiah is considered erroneous, and his Nisan events following Kislev of year 20 must be "corrected" to Nisan of year 21. But neither assumption is valid. The Elephantine papyri disprove the first and lend no support to the second. These papyri, the only direct archeological evidence for Jewish usage, have been interpreted by some (especially in the United States) as supporting the spring-to-spring reckoning, but the most recently published group of Elephantine papyri contains the first conclusive evidence on that question. How this evidence proves a Jewish fall-to-fall year will be explained in Section IX, but the conclusion may be stated here.

Dates of Ezra and Nehemiah Established.--In the light of the evidence for Jewish fall-to-fall reckoning of the year, there is no reason whatever to "correct" Nehemiah's Nisan date from the 20th to the 21st year. The logical and reasonable explanation of Neh. 1:1 and 2:1 is that they indicate the Jewish fall-to-fall year, in which months 7-12 precede months 1-6 of the same year. Therefore the journeys of Ezra and Nehemiah to Jerusalem in the 7th and 20th years of Artaxerxes I are to be dated according to the Jewish fall-to-fall calendar (in which the 7th and 20th years were 458/57 and 445/44), and thus in the spring and summer of 457 and 444 B.C. respectively (for 457 see Fig. 1, p. 104).

The conclusions concerning the dating of Ezra's and Nehemiah's journeys--long a much-confused subject--may be summarized as follows:

(1) Most modern writers, using the Egyptian year of Ptolemy's Canon or, later, the Babylonian-Persian spring-to-spring year, have placed Ezra's journey in 458 B.C., since the 7th year by either of these calendar systems (459/58 and 458/57 respectively) includes the spring and summer of 458, but ends before the month of Nisan in 457. According to this the journey of Nehemiah would have occurred in 445, although many of those who assign Ezra's expedition to 458 place that of Nehemiah in 444, on the assumption that the latter returned in the 21st year instead of the 20th.

(2) In the Jewish civil-calendar reckoning the 7th year of Artaxerxes was 458/57, fall to fall, according to the more exact evidence as we have it now from the Babylonian tablets and the Jewish papyri from Egypt. This places Ezra's return in the summer of 457 B.C. and Nehemiah's in the 20th year in 444.

Since the evidence from the Bible and from archeology favors the fall reckoning, as in paragraph (2), the dates 457 and 444 may be taken as established.

IX. The Elephantine Papyri and the Jewish Calendar

In showing that the dating of the journeys of Ezra and Nehemiah hinges on the spring versus the fall year, it has been stated that Jewish papyri from Elephantine, formerly inconclusive on this point, now furnish evidence for the fall-to-fall reckoning. For those who wish to examine the reasons why the papyri are important to the decision in favor of the fall-to-fall reckoning in Ezra-Nehemiah, the following brief survey of the evidence furnished by the papyri and of its bearing on the Biblical reckoning is provided.

Spring Year or Fall Year in Elephantine?--The double-dated Elephantine papyri were drawn up in a Jewish community under the Egyptian legal system; hence the Egyptian year number was customarily given, but the Semitic lunar-year number was often omitted (see Vol. II, pp. 117-119). In the period of these papyri the Babylonian spring year began about four months later than the corresponding Egyptian solar year, and the Jewish fall-to-fall year six months later than the Babylonian (see pp. 88-90). The Egyptian year 4, for example, of any of these reigns ran about 4 months before the Babylonian year 3 ended and year 4 began, but it would run an additional 6 months before the Jewish year number changed from 3 to 4 (see Fig. 2, p. 104).

On such a basis a series of complete double dates would show, by the Egyptian month in which the Semitic lunar-year numbers changed, whether the writers of these papyri reckoned the lunar dates from a spring or a fall New Year. But most papyri gave only one year number, even during that part of the year when two would be expected in a complete double date. Heretofore all the known double-dated papyri were inconclusive until a papyrus was found with a date line of a kind that could have been reckoned only by a spring-to-spring year or only by a fall-to-fall year.

New Papyrus Proves Fall Reckoning.--Finally one such document was found, No. 6 of the Brooklyn Museum Papyri, published by Emil G. Kraeling in 1953. It is a deed to (part of?) a house in Elephantine presented to a prospective Jewish bride. It bears only one year number, the 3d year of Darius (II), but the month and day of the Egyptian calendar agree with those of the lunar calendar only in July, 420 B.C. (see note 3, p. 88, on this). This harmony is not possible in either the Egyptian year 3 (beginning in December, 422) or the Babylonian-Persian year 3 (beginning in the spring of 421), but only with the fall-to-fall year of the Jewish civil calendar, which began in the autumn of 421 and so included July, 420. Therefore the lunar calendar in which this papyrus was dated was not the Babylonian but the Jewish civil calendar, with the year beginning in the autumn. Consequently the other papyri, inconclusive in themselves, should be interpreted in the light of this one. Obviously the Jews in Elephantine must, like Nehemiah, have used the old fall-to-fall civil calendar.

The editor and translator of Papyrus 6 mentions the fact that the date will not fit into the 3d year of the reign according to the Egyptian and Persian reckoning, and notes the fall-to-fall year as one conclusion, but he himself accepts the alternative of conjecturing a scribe's error. There are only two alternatives. If this clearly written date is correct, the year began in the autumn, and Nehemiah's usage is unquestioned. The only reason for supposing that the papyrus date is an error is the fact that it does not agree with the current widespread scholarly opinion that the Jews adopted not only the Babylonian month names but the Babylonian calendar outright, including the spring New Year.

But not one who wishes to give all the Bible writers a hearing and to discovery what they mean, without impatiently assuming that the "late editors" misunderstood the earlier writers and that the supposed errors of Scripture must be corrected by theory and conjecture, is gratified to find that it is not necessary to abandon Moses, to ignore Josiah and Jeremiah, and to assume that Nehemiah was wrong. The Jewish calendar need not agree with the Babylonian.

Significance of the Elephantine Jewish Calendar.--Were these Jews in Egypt employing the Persian calendar or the same Jewish calendar they had used in Palestine? If these colonists, on coming into Egypt (before 525 B.C.; see p. 81), had adopted a foreign calendar it would have been the Egyptian solar calendar, not a Babylonian-Persian system, for Egypt had not at that time been made part of the Persian Empire. They would not have used double dating, since some of these papyri, as well as the demotic Egyptian texts from other parts of the country, carry only the Egyptian date. Therefore the double dates show that they retained their old calendar along with that of the Egyptians.

Thus it is evident that a Persian king's years need not be reckoned by the Babylonian-Persian calendar, but are more likely to be reckoned in the national or ancestral calendar of the writer. That is exactly what we find in the only conclusive dating among these Elephantine papyri. Just as these colonists considered themselves separate from the Egyptians to the extent of retaining their own calendar, they seem to have considered themselves akin to their repatriated brethren in Palestine, as their correspondence shows. Hence their use of the fall-to-fall year, even considered apart from the Ezra-Nehemiah evidence, would lead to the conclusion that they were in accord with Palestinian custom in this.

An advocate of the theory of the late date of the Pentateuch, and of the introduction of the spring year by Josiah, is likely to see the supposed spring reckoning in the formerly inconclusive papyri as part of a chain of postexilic evidences for the spring usage from Josiah on. In this he would include Ezekiel, Haggai and Zechariah, Esther, and even Nehemiah (for he tends to brand as erroneous the fall-to-fall sequence in Neh. 1:1 and 2:1). But actually there is no continuous chain of evidence for the spring reckoning. Jeremiah almost certainly used a fall year; Ezekiel probably did also, and even if he did not, his book and Esther are irrelevant to the problem because they were written during the Exile, in Babylonia and Persia. Haggai's usage is less than proof for the spring reckoning, and there is the possibility of Zechariah's fall reckoning. The links in this chain tend to fall apart, leaving the supposed spring year of the papyri unsupported, and Neh. 1:1 and 2:1 unchallenged.

Now the proof of Jewish fall-to-fall reckoning in the Elephantine papyri changes the picture radically. Anyone not preoccupied with the theory of the spring-beginning year can find the postexilic data reasonably consistent in indicating that the fall-beginning year was not abandoned. Thus the Elephantine calendar becomes a link in the long chain of evidence for the fall-to-fall reckoning extending from the civil year of ancient times (see Vol. II, p. 109) to Ezra-Nehemiah (Vol. III, pp. 102, 103), including Solomon (Vol. II, pp. 110, 134), Josiah (Vol. II, p. 146), the corroborative though indirect evidence for Judah's kings from the synchronisms (Vol. II, pp. 146, 147), and Jeremiah (Vol. III, pp. 93, 94), possibly the usage of Ezekiel and Zechariah (Vol. III, pp. 93, 94, 99). The fall-to-fall year in Elephantine thus confirms unequivocally the usage of Ezra-Nehemiah, and therefore the accuracy of the chronological data of the Bible writers of this period.

The Postexilic Jewish Calendar in Egypt.--The double-dated papyri furnish considerable information about the Jewish calendar as used at Elephantine (see Vol. II, pp. 120, 121). They also fix a number of exact dates, accurate to within a day. Since the Egyptian day began at sunrise, and the Jewish at sunset, there could be a difference of opinion in some cases as to whether a specific Egyptian day is to be aligned with the Jewish day beginning 12 hours earlier or that beginning 12 hours later (depending on whether the document was written before or after sunset). Where a papyrus date establishes a given day of the month in this manner, the whole month is similarly fixed, and the other months of that year are also known virtually to the day. It is to be remembered that an ancient lunar month cannot be fixed with complete certainty, because of the possible variation of a day or so each way (see Vol. II, p. 119). But within these limits there are a number of these completely known years in this Jewish calendar during the 5th century, and the other years of the period can be approximated with a relatively high degree of precision, allowing leeway for the exact location of some of the 13th months.

Tentative Reconstruction of Elephantine Jewish Calendar--A calendar reconstructed around the fourteen known months fixed by the double-dated papyri gives a very close approximation of the b.c. date of the 1st of each month for the Jewish years from 472/71 through 400/399 B.C. Such a tabulation has been computed by Siegfried H. Horn and Lynn H. Wood on the following premises:

1. The year begins with Tishri 1, in the autumn.

2. The 1st of each month is computed theoretically, but based on a reasonable interval after conjunction (see Vol. II, pp. 115, 116, 119), so as to keep as close as possible to the observed crescent.

3. These computed months are derived from the working hypothesis of a regularly alternating sequence of 30-day and 29-day months from Nisan through Tishri, with adjustments in the other half of the year (see (Vol. II, p. 121).

4. These adjustments appear to have resulted in four types of years, those of 354, 355, 383, or 384 days (the 353- and 385-day years, used today by the Jews, must have been introduced much later; see Vol. II, p. 121, sec. 12).

5. A second Adar is assumed to have been inserted (see Vol. II, pp. 103-105) whenever Nisan 1 would precede the vernal equinox, which fell about March 26.

6. This results in the pattern of a second Adar in 7 out of each 19 years. Except in two cases, when a fixed papyrus date seems to indicate otherwise, these 13th months fell in the years commonly numbered 3, 6, 8, 11, 14, 17, and 19 of the Babylonian 19-year cycle (see Vol. II, pp. 113, 120, 121).

Since this tabulation forms the basis for the exact Jewish dates given in this volume, it is reproduced here entire from the unpublished copy for the convenience of any readers of this commentary who wish to make a detailed study of the dates for the period indicated.

Tables of Elephantine Jewish Calendar, 472/471 Through 400/399 B.C.

How to Use This Calendar Tabulation:--Each horizontal line of dates in this tabulation represents a regnal year as reckoned in the Jewish fall-to-fall calendar, beginning with Tishri, the 7th month. The first eight-line section comprises the 14th through the 21st years of Xerxes, and the following sections are the reigns of Artaxerxes I and so on. The boldface figures are the b.c. years (those starred are leap years); and the dates on each line (10/6, 11/5, etc.) are the Julian-calendar dates on which the 1st of each Jewish month falls.

For example, the first line represents the 14th year of the Xerxes by Jewish reckoning. It begins in 472 B.C. (second column) with Tish[ri] 1, which falls on October 6, abbreviated to 10/6 (third column), that is, the day beginning at sunset of October 5. The 1st of the next month, Mar[heshvan], is 11/5 (November 5, beginning at sunset of November 4); Kis[lev] 1 is December 4. Next comes the boldface figure 471, indicating the opening of a new b.c. year (Julian). Hence the remaining months of this Jewish year begin in 471: Teb[eth] 1 falls on January 3, 471; Sheb[at] 1 on February 1, Ad[ar] 1 on March 3, Nis[an] 1 on April 1, Iyy[ar] 1 on May 1, Siv[an] 1 on May 30, Tam[muz] 1 on June 29, Ab 1 on July 28, Elul 1 on August 27. This last date appears in a box because one of the double-dated papyri was written in that month, thus fixing the date. (The 14 dates so marked on this calendar are the basis on which the rest of the calendar is computed.)

In the next year, the 15th of Xerxes, which begins in 471 B.C. (September 25), Tebeth is still in 471; hence the boldface date 470 appears in the column between Tebeth and Shebat, which is the first month beginning in 470. This 15th year has a 13th month, the second Adar. The column headed "Ad[ar] II" shows that 7 out of 19 years contain the second Adar.

Many Biblical dates in this volume of the commentary have been computed according to this tentative reconstruction of the Jewish calendar; for example, the dates of Ezra's journey to Judea (Ezra 7:9; 8:15, 31). In the tabulation the line numbered the 7th year of Artaxerxes I shows that year beginning by Jewish reckoning in 458 B.C., on Tishri 1, or October 2, and places Nisan 1 of that year, the date of Ezra's departure, on March 27, 457. Ezra left Ahava on the 12th of the same month, 11 days later, which would be April 7 (that is, April 6/7, sunset to sunset); and his arrival date, the 1st of the 5th month (Ab), was July 23. Although the b.c. number at the beginning of this 7th year is 458, it changes to 457 between Tebeth 1 and Shebat 1; hence Ezra's dates in Nisan and Ab are all in 457.

XERXES

ARTAXERXES I

DARIUS II

ARTAXERXES II

Bibliography

Babylonian Chronicle (see entry under Wiseman on p. 84). Contains the Babylonian account of the accession and early campaigns of Nebuchadnezzar.

Cowley, A. Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. (see entry on p. 84). Contains text and translation, with notes, of all the Aramaic papyri from Elephantine known up to 1923. The double dates on certain of these papyri (and some of those in the collection published by Kraeling) are of great importance as contemporary evidence on the dating of several Persian reigns, and on the Jewish calendar.

Dougherty, Raymond Philip. Nabonidus and Belshazzar (see entry on p. 84). A study based on the Babylonian tablets. The evidence for Belshazzar's coregency with his father Nabonidus demonstrates the accuracy of the book of Daniel on this subject.

Horn, Siegfried H., and Wood, Lynn H. The Chronology of Ezra 7 2d ed., rev. Washington: Review and Herald, 1970. 192 pp. (This second edition has a revised text and added appendixes.) A scholarly solution, by two contributors to this commentary, of the problem of dating Ezra's journey to Jerusalem in the 7th year of Artaxerxes I. After surveying for the general reader the principles and methods of ancient chronology, calendars, and regnal-year systems, with documentation of sources, this work applies the data from the Babylonian tablets and the Aramaic papyri from Egypt to the specific problem of the dating of the 7th year of Artaxerxes according to the Jewish calendar. Appendix 2 is a technical analysis of the double dates of 14 Aramaic papyri (from those published by Cowley and Kraeling), showing that the b.c. dates can be consistently fixed, and demonstrating the evidence from one of them that the lunar calendar represented by these dates is reckoned from the autumn, and not from the spring. The most important reference work for the reader of this article who wishes a more thorough treatment of these points.

Kraeling, Emil G. The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri (see entry on p. 84). This book does not discuss calendar or chronology problems as such, but it presents the text and translation of a new group of papyri whose additional double dates are the source of significant information about the calendar of the Jews in Egypt, including the first known date line demonstrating the autumn beginning of the year, the key evidence for the date of Ezra 7.

Olmstead, A. T. History of the Persian Empire (see entry on p. 84). A useful survey. This work is an interpretative history, which naturally is based on incomplete source material; consequently the reader cannot always distinguish between more and less certain areas of the narrative.Parker, Richard A., and Dubberstein, Waldo H. Babylonian Chronology, 626 B.C.-A.D. 45 (see entry, Vol. II, p. 123). In addition to the calendar tabulation, this work contains a series of dates of the first and last known tablets in each reign, which form the basis for the more or less approximate date of the accession of each king from Nabopolassar through the period covered in this article.

Pritchard, James B., editor. Ancient Near Eastern Texts (see entry, Vol. II, p. 163). Contains source documents on the conquest of Babylon by Cyrus, the text referring to the kingship of Nabonidus' oldest son (Belshazzar), etc.

Ptolemy (Claudius Ptolemaeus). The Almagest (see entry, Vol. II, p. 164). The Canon of Ptolemy, an appendix to The Almagest, is available in this commentary, Vol. II p. 54.

Rogers, Robert William. A History of Ancient Persia (see entry on p. 84). A very readable narrative, covering more of the political and less of the cultural history than Olmstead.

INTRODUCTION

[Following is the introduction to both 1 and 2 Chronicles, which are parts of one whole.]

1. Title. Like the books of Kings, the two books of Chronicles originally formed a single continuous work, known in Hebrew as dibre hayyamim, "events of the days." This title seems to be an abbreviation of sepher dibre hayyamim, literally, "book of events of the days," a journal kept at Oriental courts for the recording of daily events (see 2 Kings 14:18, 28; 15:6, 21, 31; 1 Chron. 27:24; Neh. 12:23; cf. Esther 6:1, 2). The LXX translators divided the book into two parts called paraleipomenon a and b, literally, "first and second parts of matters omitted." This title of the Greek translators indicates that they regarded the book as a kind of supplement to the books of Samuel and Kings, written for the purpose of supplying details that had been omitted in the earlier histories. The English title, "Chronicles," is derived from the term Chronicon, employed by Jerome as fittingly representing the Hebrew designation of the book, and this term, in the plural form of Chronica or Chronicorum liber, "Chronicles," or "Book of Chronicles," was employed in some editions of the Vulgate, whence it was taken over by the English translators.

That Chronicles was originally a single, undivided book is indicated by a Masoretic note at the end of the Hebrew text, stating that 1 Chron. 27:25 is the middle verse of the book. Moreover, Josephus, Origen, Jerome, and the Talmud regarded the book as one. The LXX division into two books was followed by the Vulgate, and so passed into other versions and into the modern printed editions of the Hebrew Bible.

2. Authorship. A careful examination of the Hebrew text of the books of Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah indicates that these three books are closely related to one another in language, style, and general point of view. These resemblances may suggest unity of authorship. Some see in the fact that Chronicles ends in the middle of an unfinished sentence, which is completed in the opening verses of Ezra, an indication that both books originally formed a single volume, with no break between the two (2 Chron. 36:22, 23; cf. Ezra 1:1-3). There is no real break in the narrative between 2 Chron. 36 and Ezra 1. It may be that when a break was made, dividing the original volume into two, the closing verses of Chronicles were repeated as the opening verses of Ezra. Others, however, see the possibility that the first few verses of Ezra were added to Chronicles so that the book would not end on the note of the destruction of Jerusalem. Early Jewish writers generally agree that Chronicles was written by Ezra.

There are many indications of a close relationship between the books of Ezra and Nehemiah. The ancients did not separate them into two books as is now the case. The Talmud and the Christian fathers Origen and Jerome regarded Ezra-Nehemiah as a single volume. It appears that throughout the books of Chronicles, Ezra, and Nehemiah one may trace a single hand, and hence modern scholarship generally regards them as the product of the same author. Since the tone and spirit of the work indicates that the books are the product of a priest connected with the Temple in Jerusalem during the latter half of the 5th century b.c., it seems highly likely that Ezra the priest and scribe (see Neh. 12:26) was the author. Both Ezra (Ezra 7:1-21) and Nehemiah (Neh. 2:1; 5:14) mention Artaxerxes, during whose time Ezra flourished. This was evidently Artaxerxes I (465-423 B.C.; see pp. 61, 62). If Ezra is the author of Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah, our present two books of Chronicles must be dated to the latter part of the 5th century b.c.

Internal evidence also points to the fact that the book was written or at least completed in the Persian period, abut 400 B.C. Monetary values are calculated in "drams," or darics (1 Chron. 29:7), coins believed to have been introduced by Darius I (522-486 B.C.). The genealogy of David's family is brought down several generations beyond Zerubbabel (1 Chron. 3:19-24), who returned to Judea during the reign of Cyrus, 539-530 B.C. (Ezra 1:1, 2; cf. 2:2). However, it is possible that these names were added later (see on 1 Chron. 3:19). Based on the average descent of the Hebrew kings, a generation would be about 23 years. On this calculation six generations after Zerubbabel would extend nearly to 400 B.C. Since Chronicles was presumably once joined to Ezra-Nehemiah, the time of the chronicler can also be secured from the internal evidence of those books. The list of the high priests given in Neh. 12:10, 11, 22, 23, extends to Jonathan, Johanan, and Jaddua. Jonathan is known from the Elephantine papyri to have been high priest at least as early as 410. The evidence thus points to the end of the 5th century b.c., or about 400, as the time of the completion of Chronicles.

The writer of Chronicles repeatedly refers to a volume in general Hebrew history, "the book of the kings of Judah and Israel" (see 2 Chron. 16:11; 25:26; 28:26; cf. 35:27; 36:8). This book seems to have been a final compilation of the two histories so frequently mentioned in Kings--"the book of the chronicles of the kings of Israel" (1 Kings 15:31; 16:5, 14, 20, 27; 22:39; 2 Kings 10:34; 14:28; 15:21, 26), and "the book of the chronicles of the kings of Judah" (1 Kings 14:29; 15:7, 23; 2 Kings 8:23; 12:19; 15:6, 36; 16:19). This "book of the kings of Judah and Israel" seems to have been a complete volume containing all the records of the kings, since it contained an account of their deeds "first and last" (see 2 Chron. 16:11; 25:26; 28:26; 35:27). Furthermore, he frequently refers to historical works of a more limited scope, dealing with particular individuals or topics. Among these are "the chronicles of king David" (1 Chron. 27:24), "the book of Samuel the seer," "the book of Nathan the prophet," "the book of Gad the seer" (see 1 Chron. 29:29), "the prophecy of Ahijah the Shilonite," "the visions of Iddo the seer against Jeroboam the son of Nebat" (2 Chron. 9:29), "the book of Shemaiah the prophet," the book of "Iddo the seer concerning genealogies" (2 Chron. 12:15), "the story of the prophet Iddo" (2 Chron. 13:22), "the book of Jehu the son of Hanani" (2 Chron. 20:34), "the story of the book of the kings" (2 Chron. 24:27), "the acts of Uzziah" by the prophet Isaiah (2 Chron. 26:22), "the vision of Isaiah the prophet" (2 Chron. 32:32), and "the sayings of the seers" (2 Chron. 33:19).

The foregoing list of reference works is evidence that there was available a vast amount of source material. There are indications that in the days of Ezra and Nehemiah such sources were available. If the statement of. 2 Macc 2:13 can be depended upon, Nehemiah founded a library in which he "gathered together the acts of the kings, and the prophets, and of David, and the epistles of the kings concerning the holy gifts."

3. Historical setting. The books of Chronicles basically consist of an outline record of the people of God from creation to the Persian period. The main emphasis is on the history of David and his successors in the nation of Judah. If Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah was originally one work, written by Ezra, who returned to Judea during the reign of Artaxerxes I (465-423),the historical setting of the books of Chronicles, a far as the time of production is concerned, would be the same as the historical setting of the books of Ezra and Nehemiah. The books of Chronicles, however, do not deal with the period in which they were completed, and only in minor genealogical items do they appear to extend to that time. That period is dealt with in Ezra and Nehemiah. For a discussion of the historical background of that period see the Introductions to the books of Ezra and Nehemiah in this commentary. For a brief discussion of the main historical period covered by Chronicles see the Introductions to the books of Samuel and Kings.

4. Theme. The books of Chronicles open with a genealogical outline of ancient history from Adam to the time of David. The history of creation, Paradise, the Fall, the early patriarchs, the Deluge, the later patriarchs, the stay in Egypt, the Exodus, the period of the judges, and the reign of Saul are passed over. The writer had little or nothing to add to the material already found in the Pentateuch and other books such as Joshua and Judges. For this early period he presents merely a series of genealogical tables, occasionally interspersed with brief biographical or historical notices (1 Chron. 4:9, 10, 38-43; 5:9, 10, 16-26; 6:31, 32, 48, 49, 54-81; 7:21-24; 9:17-34). First the author traces the generations from Adam to Jacob. He follows this genealogy with a survey of the 12 tribes, with emphasis on Judah, the tribe of David, and Levi, the tribe of the priests. Then the horizon narrows down from all Israel to the southern kingdom, Benjamin and Judah, and the city of Jerusalem. This introductory material covers the first nine chapters of the first book of Chronicles.

The second and main portion of the book begins with a brief discussion of the death of Saul (1 Chron. 10). Then follows a history of David (1 Chron. 11 to 29) and of his successors in the line of Judah down to Zedekiah, the destruction of Jerusalem, and the Babylonian captivity (2 Chron. 1 to 36). It would seem that the third section of the original work covered the return from captivity and the re-establishment of Jerusalem as the religious center of the restored Jewish community (Ezra-Nehemiah).

Considerable emphasis is given to the reign of David, the golden age of Israel's history. However, many items concerning David are omitted, such as his reign at Hebron, his sin in the matter of Uriah the Hittite, the revolt of Absalom, and similar matters.

The reign of Solomon (2 Chron. 1 to 9) is treated more briefly, though at much greater length, than any subsequent reign. There is considerable emphasis upon the Temple and its services. Events connected with the building of the Temple occupy by far the largest part of the account of Solomon's reign (chs. 2 to 7).

Many of the incidents recorded in Kings for this reign are not found in Chronicles, such as the attempted usurpation by Adonijah; the anointing of Solomon (1 Kings 1, 2); his marriage to the daughter of Pharaoh and the worship at the high places (1 Kings 3:1, 2); the decision concerning the disputed child (1 Kings 3:16-28); Solomon's officers, wisdom, and proverbs (1 Kings 4); his place (1 Kings 7:1-12); his worship of foreign gods, and his adversaries (1 Kings 11). Certain items concerning the building of the Temple have been omitted, others are presented more briefly, others are given in the same wording as Kings, while others are entirely new.

In the remaining portion of the history the record is primarily of Judah, not Israel. Items connected with Israel are presented only incidentally. No chronological data are given for any kings of Israel, and the synchronisms of the kings of Judah in terms of the contemporary ruler in Israel, with one exception (2 Chron. 13:1), are not given. While the history of Israel is almost entirely ignored, the history of Judah is presented primarily from a religious viewpoint, with political, military, and personal facts or incidents subordinated to those of a spiritual interest. The object of the history is to set forth God's purpose in the experiences of the chosen people and to show how the nation declined and even the holy Temple with its sacred ritual was finally destroyed as a result of sin. The reigns of the good kings of Judah, good for at least a portion of their reigns--Jehoshaphat, Joash, Hezekiah, and Josiah--are given particular prominence, and those incidents are especially emphasized in which the rulers concerned themselves with religious reforms and the restoration of the Temple and its services.

It is thus apparent that Chronicles is not a mere historical supplement to the books of Kings, but rather a distinct and independent work, having its own purpose, and written from its own distinctive point of view. After the services in the Temple had been re-established following the return from the Babylonian exile, and Jerusalem had been restored, the devout Jews, no doubt fondly hoped, as they looked into the future, that these services might never again be interrupted. They trusted that, under the blessing of God, Israel might henceforth prosper and go on from glory to glory. The time was, doubtless, peculiarly appropriate to remind the people of their past history to the end that Israel might enter into all the glorious privileges vouchsafed to them in the promises of God.

The chronicler thus introduced new materials concerning the Temple and its ministry, and the religious festivals. He was, however, interested, not so much with ritual as with life, not so much with the Temple as with the hearts of men. Israel was to pattern its life after the holy law of God, with constant attention to the rewards and punishments that would be the result of obedience and transgression. There was a new emphasis upon righteousness, a fuller presentation of the close connection between piety and prosperity, and between perversity and adversity.

The reigns of the kings are treated in such a way that the reader may understand clearly that the way of obedience to the divine standards is the way of peace and prosperity, and that the way of wickedness is the way of ruin and desolation. Each signal calamity and success is ascribed in the most direct manner to the action of Divine Providence, with the Lord rewarding the righteous and punishing the doers of evil. Thus, "Saul died for his transgression which he committed against the Lord" (1 Chron. 10:13); "David waxed greater and greater: for the Lord of hosts was with him" (ch. 11:9); "God was displeased with this thing; therefore he smote Israel" (ch. 21:7); "the children of Judah prevailed, because they relied upon the Lord" (2 Chron. 13:18; see also 2 Chron. 16:7; 17:3, 5; 22:7; 25:20; 28:6; 33:10, 11; 36:15-17).

Israel is treated in Chronicles as an apostate nation, walking in the ways of wickedness and death. Judah is treated as a nation that prospers under reigns of righteousness and suffers the penalties of transgression under kings who forsake the Lord.

There are some distinct differences in the manner in which the same incidents are treated in Kings and in Chronicles. In Kings nothing commendable is presented in the account of Rehoboam, but in Chronicles an approving record is given, so that his ways may stand out in sharp contrast to the evils of Jeroboam (2 Chron. 11:13-17). When later Rehoboam "forsook the law of the Lord," the explanation is given that Shishak's attack on Jerusalem came "because they had transgressed against the Lord" (2 Chron. 12:1, 2).

In the record of Kings practically nothing is said of Abijam other than that "he walked in all the sins of his father" and that "his heart was not perfect with the Lord" (1 Kings 15:3). But Chronicles mentions also some commendable deeds. He is presented as remonstrating with Jeroboam for his rebellion against the Lord and for his establishment of a false priesthood in Israel. The record declares that he gained a great victory over the northern kingdom because he depended upon the Lord (2 Chron. 13:4-18).

As to Asa, Chronicles records a great victory over Zerah the Ethiopian, regarding which Kings is silent. It further reports a turning to Judah of many of the people of Israel when they saw that the Lord was with them, and tells of a great religious gathering at which the covenant with God was renewed (2 Chron. 14:9-15; 15:1-15).

Kings mentions the fact that Jehoshaphat was a good ruler but gives a brief record of his reign (1 Kings 22:42-50). Chronicles gives a longer record of an incident in which Jehoshaphat prayed to God at a time of national crisis and received from God a marvelous victory, the forces of the enemy being led to destroy one another (2 Chron. 20:1-30).

The evil reign of Jehoram is given only a brief treatment in Kings (2 Kings 8:16-24); in Chronicles there is an account of sore judgments against him from the Lord because of his evil ways (2 Chron. 21:8-19).

Kings makes brief mention of the death of Ahaziah at the hands of Jehu (2 Kings 9:27, 28); Chronicles gives a more extensive account that mentions the fact that the evil counsel he followed was "to his destruction," and that his destruction "was of God" (2 Chron. 22:4-9).

Kings reports the death of Joash at the hands of his own servants (2 Kings 12:20, 21). Chronicles adds these significant details: (1) that after the death of Jehoiada the people "left the house of the Lord God of their fathers, and served groves and idols: and wrath came upon Judah and Jerusalem for this their trespass"; (2) that at the command of the king, the son of Jehoiada was slain for daring to remind the people that because of their transgression against the Lord, they could not prosper, for He had forsaken them as they had forsaken Him; (3) that consequently a great host of Judah was delivered into the hands of a small company of Syrians, "because they had forsaken the Lord God of their fathers"; (4) that it was while lying in bed recovering from the wounds received in this encounter, that Joash was slain by his servants (2 Chron. 24:17-25).

Kings reports the victory of Amaziah against Edom and the king's consequent defeat at the hand of Jehoash of Israel (2 Kings 14:7-14), but Chronicles adds the revealing detail that after Amaziah had returned from his victory, "he brought the gods of the children of Seir, and set them up to be his gods, and bowed down himself before them, and burned incense unto them. Wherefore the anger of the Lord was kindled against Amaziah," and that the Lord had determined to destroy him because of the course he had taken (2 Chron. 25:14-16).

In connection with the brief account of the reign of Azariah (Uzziah) as given in Kings (2 Kings 15:1-7), mention is made of his leprosy, but no cause is given. In Chronicles, however, there is a much longer account of Azariah's reign (2 Chron. 26:1-23), and the reason for his leprosy is plainly stated, namely, that when he was strong, "his heart was lifted up to his destruction: for he transgressed against the Lord his God, and went into the temple of the Lord to burn incense upon the altar of incense," whereupon he was reprimanded by the priests for his trespass and immediately became leprous, "because the Lord had smitten him."

The record of the good king Jotham's reign in Kings again is brief (2 Kings 15:32-38), but the more extensive record in Chronicles tells how he was victorious against the Ammonites, who became tributary to him, and how he "became mighty, because he prepared his ways before the Lord his God" (2 Chron. 27:5, 6).

According to Kings, Ahaz was attacked by the kings of Israel and Syria, apparently without serious consequences, for he secured the help of Tiglath-pileser, who took Damascus and slew its king (2 Kings 16:1-9). According to Chronicles, however, because of Ahaz' idolatry the Lord "delivered him into the hand of the king of Syria," who smote him and carried away a great multitude of captives, and he was also "delivered into the hand of the king of Israel, who smote him with a great slaughter," carrying away captive "two hundred thousand, women, sons, and daughters," together with much spoil, and when Tiglath-pileser was appealed to he came and "distressed him, but strengthened him not," for "the Lord brought Judah low because of Ahaz ...; for he made Judah naked, and transgressed sore against the Lord" (2 Chron. 28:3-20).

Kings gives an extensive account of the reign of the good king Hezekiah (2 Kings 18 to 20), but Chronicles greatly magnifies the record of Hezekiah's good deeds, with a detailed account of his cleansing the Temple, restoring its services, and inviting the people of all Israel to attend a great Passover at Jerusalem, with numbers responding from the northern tribes of Asher, Manasseh, and Zebuiun. Chronicles tells of the Passover service being followed by a destruction of the images, groves, and high places, not only in all Judah and Benjamin, but also in Ephraim and Manasseh, and with a restoration of the various offerings, oblations, and priestly services (2 Chron. 29 to 31).

Kings describes in detail the iniquities of Manasseh (2 Kings 21:1-18), but Chronicles mentions not only his iniquities but his being bound in fetters by the king of Assyria to be taken "among the thorns" to Babylon, where in his affliction "he besought the Lord his God, and humbled himself greatly," whereupon the Lord heard his supplication and permitted his return to Jerusalem, where he put away the strange gods, "repaired the altar of the Lord, and sacrificed thereon peace offerings and thank offerings, and commanded Judah to serve the Lord God of Israel" (2 Chron. 33:11-16).

Of Amon the record in Kings states that he did "evil in the sight of the Lord, as his father Manasseh did" (2 Kings 21:20), while Chronicles adds that he "humbled not himself before the Lord, as Manasseh his father had humbled himself" (2 Chron. 33:23).

Kings relates in some detail how Josiah restored the worship of Jehovah and took measures to institute a general reform, closing the record of his reign with a statement of how he met his death at the hands of the Egyptian king Necho (2 Kings 22, 23:1-30); Chronicles gives a somewhat longer record of his efforts at restoration and reformation, and in the matter of his encounter with Necho adds the detail that Necho sought to dissuade Josiah from his purpose to fight against him, but that Josiah "hearkened not unto the words of Necho from the mouth of God," and hence met his death in this encounter (2 Chron. 34, 35).

Kings deals at some length with the reigns of the last four evil kings of Judah and the fall of Jerusalem (2 Kings 23:30-37; 24:1-20; 25:1-30), giving only a brief statement to the effect that it was "through the anger of the Lord" that Jerusalem and Judah were cast out from His presence (ch. 24:20), while Chronicles gives only a very short account of these last four reigns (2 Chron. 36:1-13), but gives the specific reasons for Judah's fall, since priests and people "transgressed very much after all the abominations of the heathen; and polluted the house of the Lord which he had hallowed in Jerusalem," mocking the messengers sent by God and misusing His prophets, "until the wrath of the Lord arose against his people, till there was no remedy" (ch. 36:14-16).

All through his book the chronicler magnifies the prophets and their work. Additional information is given concerning some of the prominent prophets that is not found elsewhere in the Old Testament. There is also information concerning prophets who are not mentioned elsewhere in the Bible. These divine messengers are pictured as giving warnings and exhortations on critical occasions. Thus Shemaiah informs Rehoboam that the invasion of Shishak is due to the fact that the people forsook the Lord (2 Chron. 12:5); Azariah encourages Asa (ch. 15:1-8); Hanani rebukes Asa for invoking aid from Syria (ch. 16:7-10); Jehu reproves Jehoshaphat for joining himself to Ahab (ch. 19:2); Jahaziel encourages Jehoshaphat in his encounter with the forces of Moab, Ammon, and Mt. Seir (ch. 20:14-17); Eliezer reproves Jehoshaphat for joining himself with Ahaziah (ch. 20:37); Zechariah informs the people in the days of Joash that there can be no prosperity because of transgression (ch. 24:20); and Oded remonstrates with Israel in the days of Pekah and Ahaz (ch. 28:9-11).

From these observations it will be seen that the record of Chronicles is not so much mere history as it is a sermon, and that the chronicler is not so much a mere narrator of events as he is a preacher. When his record of an incident differs from that in Kings, it is no proof that there is any basic disagreement in the two accounts, but there is a difference in emphasis. The chronicler shows a disposition to moralize. He says what he has to say because it teaches some lesson or presents a warning. He completed his work after Judah had fallen and gone into captivity, and after Jerusalem had been rebuilt and the services of the Temple restored. It was doubtless his earnest hope that sin might not again come in to bring the nation down in ruin. But this is exactly the danger that threatened. Sin was once more manifesting itself (Ezra 9:1-15; 10:1-19; Neh. 5:1-13; Neh. 13:3-11, 15-30), and there was the danger that the wrath of God would again be visited upon His people. This he would by all means seek to prevent. It is a reasonable assumption that the great book of Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah was written with the objective of forestalling a second apostasy and desolation of Judah.

Generations of Bible commentators have been baffled by some of the extremely large numbers that are found in the books of Chronicles. For example, 1 Chron. 22:14 states that David dedicated 100,000 talents of gold and a million talents of silver for the Temple to be built by his son Solomon. To this sum must be added other enormous contributions by David and the nobles of Israel for the same purpose (ch. 29:3-7). A computation in modern values shows that 100,000 talents of gold alone would amount to more than 3 billion dollars, a figure that can hardly be assumed as correct, in view of the fact that the total amount of gold known in ancient times throughout the world would scarcely have been 3 billion dollars.

For this reason modern scholars have declared that the chronicler exaggerated and that his information is incorrect. This verdict cannot be upheld since recent discoveries have demonstrated the historical reliability of the author. Consequently another explanation must be sought if we are to solve the difficulties posed by some of the extremely large figures in the books of Chronicles.

Chronicles was composed, or at least completed, in the late 5th century b.c., as can be learned from the genealogical lists found in the book, which go down to the time of Nehemiah. It was probably the last of the Biblical books written, as is indicated by its place at the end of the Hebrew Bible. In its preparation official documents, written by prophets and other inspired writers, were used, like "the book of Nathan the prophet," "the book of Gad the seer," or "the chronicles of king David" (1 Chron. 29:29; 1 Chron. 27:24). These were written in the pre-exilic Hebrew script, whereas Chronicles was composed in the Aramaic square script which came into use after the Exile. This script, which, according to Jewish tradition, was introduced by Ezra, has remained in use in some modified form as the Hebrew script to the present time.

All numbers in any known Hebrew Bible manuscript are fully written out, and no numerals are used. Yet, numerals were used in ancient Hebrew inscriptions, as well as in Phoenician, Aramaic, Nabataean, Palmyrenian, Egyptian, and Babylonian documents. The paucity of ancient Hebrew source material is responsible for our insufficient knowledge concerning the use of numerals among the authors of the Hebrew Bible. When Mark Lidzbarski published his handbook on North Semitic epigraphy in 1898 he stated that the Hebrews apparently did not use numerals, but wrote out their numbers. He based this assertion on the Siloam inscription and the Moabite Stone, in which the numbers are written out. These were the only Hebrew inscriptions known at that time which contained numbers, and one of them, the Moabite Stone, was not even a true Hebrew inscription, although the difference between the Moabite script and language and the Hebrew script and language is very slight.

However, during the last 50 years, several Hebrew pre-exilic inscriptions--the ostraca from Samaria, Lachish, and Tell Qasile--have come to light, which contain numbers, some of which are fully written out, others of which are represented by numerals. Also the Aramaic papyri from Elephantine, discovered during the last 50 years (see pp. 79-83), show a wide use of numerals and contain written-out numbers as well.

In these documents the numerals for figures below "ten" are vertical strokes arranged together in groups of three strokes, written from right to left, of which the last is usually longer than the others: =6; =8. The figure "ten" is represented by a crescent-shaped symbol, , and "twenty" is a combination of two "tens," . The next higher numeral, , expresses "hundred," but "thousand" in the Elephantine papyri (no Palestine Hebrew inscription contains such a higher number) is always written out in the form 'lph, mostly abbreviated to lph. Sometimes one or more vertical strokes in front of the lph indicate the number of thousands given: lph=1,000; lph=3,000. However, the vertical stroke before the lph is also used in these documents to represent the Hebrew letter waw, which is the conjunction "and," and it might not have been easy to ascertain in all cases whether the stroke stood for the conjunction "and" or indicated that only "one" thousand was meant.

Although there is insufficient extant material to give clear examples of how numbers were misread, what is available shows nevertheless that ancient documents (where in some instances numerals were employed, in others, full words) can easily give rise to misunderstandings. If the documents used by the chronicler in the preparation of his books contained some numbers written in numerals, others in fully spelled-out forms, it is possible to see how some of them might have been misunderstood. A document which, for example, contained the reading 'lph, "100 thousand," may possibly have been misunderstood to read "one hundred thousand," whereas the author meant to convey the idea of "hundred [and] thousand" (1,100).

The question also arises as to whether the writer of Chronicles in giving such large numbers intended them to be regarded as exact and literal figures. Those who have lived in Eastern lands know how common it is to employ such expression as "a thousand thousand," meaning, only, a very large number. Those using numbers in such a sense would be much surprised to find others, not acquainted with such usage, interpreting them literally. Such expressions of the chronicler as "brass and iron without weight" (1 Chron. 22:14) and "the people were without number" (2 Chron. 12:3), must likewise be interpreted, not literally, but according to the original intention. It would thus be a mistake to construe the figures in Chronicles according to the strict letter and sense in which they might be used by a modern historian if such was not the spirit and general intention of the chronicler.

Every careful reader of Chronicles has been impressed by the writer's predilection toward genealogical and statistical items. Lists of names are repeatedly given--of Temple or palace officials, civil administrators, army officers, and others. Among these are the following:

1 Chron. 11:26-47

Valiant men in David's army

" 12:1-14

Those who came to David at Ziklg Ziklag

" 14:4-7

David's sons

" 15:5-24

Levitical officials who deal with the ark

" 18:15-17

David's principal state officers

" 23:6-24

David's Levitical officials

" 24:1-31

Twenty-four divisions of the sons of Aaron

1 Chron. 25:1-31

Twenty-four orders of musicians

" 26:1-32

The Temple porters and officers

" 27:1-34

David's captains and stewards

2 Chron. 11:5-10

Rehoboam's cities of defense

" 17:7-18

Jehoshaphat's Levites and captains

" 23:1

Jehoida's captains

" 28:12

The heads of Ephraim

" 29:12-14

The chief Levites

" 31:12-15

Overseers of the offerings

" 34:12

Overseers of the Temple-repair workmen

" 35:9

Chief of the Levites

Similar items of a statistical nature are found in Ezra and Nehemiah:

Ezra 1:9-11

Tabulation of vessels returned from Babylon

" 2:2-65

The numbers of those who returned from Babylon

" 2:66, 67

The numbers of the horses, mules, and camels

" 4:9, 10

The peoples brought to Samaria by Ashurbanipal

" 7:1-6

The genealogy of Ezra

" 8:1-14

The list of those who returned with Ezra

" 8:16-19

The sons of Levi who returned with Ezra

" 8:20

The Nethinim who returned with Ezra

" 8:26, 27, 33, 34

The gold and silver contributed

" 10:18-44

The names of those who had taken strange wives

Neh. 3:1-32

The names of those who built the wall

" 7:6-73

The numbers of those who returned with Zerubbabel

" 8:4

The names of those who stood with Ezra

" 8:7

The names of those who read the law

" 10:1-27

The names of those who sealed the covenant

" 11:3-24

The names of those who dwelt at Jerusalem

" 12:1-42

Lists of priests and Levites

The numerous lists of genealogical and statistical materials in Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah may be an indication that these three books are all the product of one hand. If this is the case, the writer, in all probability, was Ezra, "the priest, the scribe" (see Ezra 7:6, 10-12; N

5. Outline of 1 and 2 Chronicles.

I. Genealogical Tables, 1 Chron. 1 to 9:44.

A. From Adam to Israel and Edom, 1:1 to 2:2.

1. The patriarchs from Adam to Noah, 1:1-4.

2. The descendants of Noah, 1:4-54.

a. The descendants of Japheth, 1:5-7.

b. The descendants of Ham, 1:8-16.

c. The descendants of Shem, 1:17-54.

(1) Shem to Abraham, 1:17-27.

(2) The descendants of Abraham, 1:28 to 2:2.

(a) The sons of Ishmael, 1:28-31.

(b) The sons of Abraham by Keturah, 1:32, 33.

(c) The descendants of Isaac, 1:34 to 2:2.

1) The descendants of Esau, 1:34-54.

2) The sons of Israel, 2:1, 2.

B. The descendants of Israel, 2:3 to 7:40.

1. The posterity of Judah, 2:3 to 4:23.

a. Judah to Jesse, 2:3-12.

b. The sons and grandsons of Jesse, 2:13-17.

c. The sons of Caleb, 2:18-20.

d. The descendants of Hezron, 2:21-41.

e. The descendants of Caleb, 2:42-55.

f. The posterity of David, 3:1-24.

(1) The sons of David, 3:1-9.

(2) The royal line from Solomon to Zedekiah, 3:10-16.

(3) The sons of Jeconiah, 3:17-24.

g. Clans of Judah, 4:1-23.

(1) The descendants of Judah, 4:1.

(2) The descendants of Hur, 4:2-4.

(3) The descendants of Ashur, 4:5-7.

(4) The sons of Coz, 4:8.

(5) Jabez and his prayer, 4:9, 10.

(6) The sons of Chelub, 4:11, 12.

(7) The sons of Kenaz, 4:13-15.

(8) The sons of Caleb and others, 4:15-20.

(9) The sons of Shelah, 4:21-23.

2. The posterity of Simeon, 4:24-43.

a. The sons of Simeon, 4:24-27.

b. The habitations of the Simeonites, 4:28-33.

c. The emigration of the Simeonites, 4:34-43.

(1) The princes of Simeon, 4:34-38.

(2) The conquest at Gedor, 4:39-43.

3. The posterity of Reuben, 5:1-10.

4. The posterity of Gad, 5:11-17.

5. The conquests of the sons of Reuben, Gad, and Manasseh, 5:18-22.

6. The inheritance of the half tribe of Manasseh, 5:23-26.

7. The posterity of Levi, 6:1-81.

a. The family of Aaron traced from Levi to the Babylonian captivity, 6:1-15.

b. The three branches of Levi, 6:16-48.

c. The priestly descendants of Aaron, 6:49-53.

d. The Levitical cities, 6:54-81.

8. The clans of Issachar, 7:1-5.

9. The clans of Benjamin, 7:6-12.

10. The sons of Naphtali, 7:13.

11. The posterity of Manasseh, 7:14-19.

12. The posterity of Ephraim, 7:20-29.

13. The posterity of Asher, 7:30-40.

C. Genealogies of Benjamin, 8:1-40.

1. Generations of chief men who dwelt at Jerusalem, 8:1-28.

2. The families of Gibeon and the royal house of Saul, 8:29-40.

D. Genealogy of inhabitants of Jerusalem, 9:1-34.

E. The inhabitants of Gibeon; the ancestors and descendants of Saul, 9:35-44.

II. History of the Kings in Jerusalem, 1 Chron. 10:1 to 2 Chron. 36:23.

A. The death of Saul, 1 Chron. 10:1-14.

1. Saul slain in Mt. Gilboa, 10:1-7.

2. The Philistines triumph over Saul, 10:8-10.

3. Saul's burial at Jabesh-gilead, 10:11, 12.

4. Saul's death as a result of transgression, 10:13, 14.

B. David, 1 Chron. 11:1 to 29:30.

1. The anointing at Hebron, 11:1-3.

2. The capture of Jerusalem, 11:4-9.

3. Register of David's warriors, 11:10 to 12:40.

4. The ark brought from Kirjath-jearim, 13:1-14.

5. David's house and household, 14:1-7.

6. The victories of David against the Philistines, 14:8-17.

7. The ark brought to Jerusalem, 15:1 to 16:43.

8. David's purpose to build the Temple, 17:1-27.

9. David's wars, 18:1 to 20:8.

10. David's numbering of the people, 21:1-30.

11. David's preparations for Solomon's reign, 22:1 to 29:25.

a. Preparations of material, 22:1-5.

b. Directions to Solomon, 22:6-19.

c. Solomon made king the first time, 23:1.

d. Divisions of the Levites, 23:2-32.

e. Divisions of the priests, 24:1-19.

f. Divisions of other Levites, 24:20-31.

g. Divisions of the singers, 25:1-31.

h. Divisions of the porters and other officers, 26:1-32.

i. Captains and rulers, 27:1-34.

j. Final instructions concerning the Temple, 28:1-21.

k. Offerings for the Temple, 29:1-21.

l. Solomon made king the second time, 29:22-25.

12. The death of David, 29:26-30.

C. Solomon, 2 Chron. 1:1 to 9:31.

1. Solomon's sacrifices at Gibeon, 1:1-6.

2. Solomon's choice of wisdom, 1:7-12.

3. Solomon's chariots and wealth, 1:13-17.

4. The Temple, 2:1 to 7:22.

a. Solomon's preparations for the building of the Temple, 2:1-18.

b. The site and date of building, 3:1, 2.

c. The porch and the holy place, 3:3-7.

d. The most holy place, 3:8-14.

e. The bronze pillars of the porch, 3:15-17.

f. The objects of brass and gold, 4:1-22.

g. The Temple completed, 5:1.

h. The dedication of the Temple, 5:2 to 7:22.

(1) The ark brought to the Temple, 5:2-10.

(2) The manifestation of God's glory, 5:11-14.

(3) Solomon's prayer of consecration, 6:1-42.

(4) Fire sent from heaven, 7:1-3.

(5) The sacrifices and the festival, 7:4-11.

(6) God's message to Solomon, 7:12-22.

5. Solomon's public works, 8:1-6.

6. Solomon's servants and officers, 8:7-10.

7. The house of the daughter of Pharaoh, 8:11.

8. Offerings and priestly appointments, 8:12-16.

9. The ships of Solomon, 8:17, 18.

10. The visit of the queen of Sheba, 9:1-12.

11. Solomon's gold and glory, 9:13-28.

12. The close of Solomon's reign, 9:29-31.

D. The kings of Judah, 2 Chron. 10:1 to 36:21.

1. Rehoboam, 10:1 to 12:16.

a. The revolt of the ten tribes, 10:1 to 11:4.

b. The strengthening of the defenses of Judah, 11:5-12.

c. The desertion of the priests and Levites of Israel to Rehoboam, 11:13-17.

d. Rehoboam's family, 11:18-23.

e. Shishak's invasion, 12:1-12.

f. The close of Rehoboam's reign, 12:13-16.

2. Abijah, 13:1-22.

a. Abijah's war with Jeroboam, 13:1-20.

b. Abijah's family and his record, 13:21, 22.

3. Asa, 14:1 to 16:14.

a. Efforts against idolatry, 14:1-5.

b. Measures taken to strengthen the kingdom, 14:6-8.

c. Victory over Zerah the Ethiopian, 14:9-15.

d. The prophecy of Azariah, 15:1-7.

e. Asa's work of reform, 15:8-19.

f. War with Baasha, 16:1-6.

g. Hanani rebukes Asa and is imprisoned, 16:7-10.

h. The close of Asa's reign, 16:11-14.

4. Jehoshaphat, 17:1 to 21:3.

a. Jehoshaphat's good deeds and prosperity, 17:1-12.

b. Jehoshaphat's captains and armies, 17:13-19.

c. Alliance with Ahab and war against Syria, 18:1-34.

d. Jehoshaphat's rebuke by Jehu, 19:1-3.

e. Jehoshaphat's instructions to the judges and priests, 19:4-11.

f. Ammon, Moab, and Mt. Seir defeated, 20:1-30.

g. A survey of Jehoshaphat's reign, 20:31 to 21:3.

5. Jehoram, 21:4-20.

a. Jehoram's slaughter of his brethren, 21:4.

b. Jehoram's evil ways and the revolt of Edom and Libnah, 21:5-11.

c. Divine judgments against Jehoram because of his evil ways, 21:12-20.

6. Ahaziah, 22:1-9.

7. Athaliah, 22:10 to 23:21.

a. Athaliah seizes the government, 22:10-12.

b. Jehoiada overthrows Athaliah and makes Joash king, 23:1-21.

8. Joash, 24:1-27.

a. The repair of the Temple, 24:1-14.

b. Death of Jehoiada and national apostasy, 24:15-22.

c. The Syrian invasion and the murder of Joash, 24:23-27.

9. Amaziah, 25:1-28.

a. Amaziah's good beginning, 25:1-4.

b. Victory over Edom, 25:5-13.

c. Amaziah's disastrous defeat by Jehoash of Israel, 25:14-24.

d. The close of Amaziah's reign, 25:25-28.

10. Uzziah, 26:1-23.

a. Uzziah's good deeds, 26:1-5.

b. Uzziah's military prowess, 26:6-15.

c. Uzziah's presumption and leprosy, 26:16-23.

11. Jotham, 27:1-9.

12. Ahaz, 28:1-27.

a. The wickedness of Ahaz, 28:1-4.

b. Ahaz delivered into the hands of Syria and Israel, 28:5-8.

c. The captives restored from Israel, 28:9-15.

d. Ahaz's appeal to Assyria for help, 28:16-21.

e. Idolatry encouraged and the Temple closed, 28:22-27.

13. Hezekiah, 29:1 to 32:33.

a. Hezekiah's cleansing and restoration of the Temple, 29:1-36.

b. Israel and Judah invited to the Passover, 30:1-12.

c. The celebration of the Passover, 30:13-27.

d. Hezekiah's religious reformation, 31:1-21.

e. Sennacherib's invasion, 32:1-23.

f. Hezekiah's illness, pride, prosperity, and death, 32:24-33.

14. Manasseh, 33:1-20.

a. Manasseh's encouragement of idolatry, 33:1-10.

b. His captivity and repentance, 33:11-20.

15. Amon, 33:21-25.

16. Josiah, 34:1 to 35:27.

a. Religious reformation, 34:1-7.

b. The Temple repaired, 34:8-13.

c. The book of the law found, 34:14-19.

d. Huldah's prophecy, 34:20-28.

e. The reading of the law and the renewing of the covenant, 34:29-33.

f. The Passover observed, 35:1-19.

g. Josiah slain, 35:20-27.

17. Jehoahaz, 36:1-4.

18. Jehoiakim, 36:5-8.

19. Jehoiachin, 36:9, 10.

20. Zedekiah and the fall of Judah, 36:11-21.

a. Sin and rebellion, 36:11-13.

b. Transgression of rulers and people, 36:14-16.

c. Captivity to Babylon, 36:17-21.

E. Epilogue; the captivity ended by Cyrus, 36:22, 23.

1 Chronicles Chapter 1

1 Adam's line to Noah. 5 The sons of Japheth. 8 The sons of Ham. 17 The sons of Shem. 24 Shem's line to Abraham. 29 Ishmael's sons. 32 The sons of Keturah. 34 The posterity of Abraham by Esau. 43 The kings of Edom. 51 The dukes of Edom.

1. Adam, Sheth, Enosh. The book of Chronicles begins abruptly with a list of names, starting with the first man, Adam. No purpose for the giving of this list is stated, but the object was evidently to trace the history of the people of God from the beginning to the downfall of Israel and Judah and the restoration after the Babylonian exile. The ten generations from Adam to Noah are given in verses 1-4. The names are the same as those in Gen. 5, except for the spelling of some of the names in the English. In Hebrew the spellings are identical. However, the record is greatly abbreviated, being given in the shortest possible form.

5. The sons of Japheth. Verses 5-23 are an abbreviation of the genealogical information of Gen. 10. The account is compressed within narrower limits, chiefly by omitting the opening and closing notes, and passing over the remarks on the kingdom of Nimrod at Babel, and the spread of the Shemites and Hamites in their countries (see Gen. 10:5, 8-12, 18-20).

Gomer. See on Gen. 10:2; Eze. 38:6. The descendants of Gomer are probably to be identified with the Cimmerians known to the Greeks, mentioned by Homer (Odyssey xi. 12-19) as inhabiting the far north; mentioned also by Herodotus (iv. 11-13) as the early inhabitants of what is now south Russia, who were driven out by the Scythians. The Cimmerians made their way into Asia Minor, and for a time threatened the Assyrian Empire, but were defeated by Esarhaddon. According to Ashurbanipal, Guggu (Gyges), king of Lydia, defeated the Cimmerians, who had been harassing his land, but was later overthrown by the Cimmerians. Alyattes, the great-grandson of Gyges, who had waged war with Cyaxares the Mede, later drove the Cimmerians out of the district of Asia (Herodotus i. 15, 16).

Magog. See also on Gen. 10:2. The progenitor of a people who came from the north (Eze. 38:15). Josephus identified Magog with the Scythians (Antiquities i. 6. 1). But see Vol. IV, pp. 704, 705.

Madai. The progenitor of the Medes (see on Gen. 10:2).

Javan. The progenitor of the Ionians or Greeks (see on Gen. 10:2; see also Isa. 66:19; Eze. 27:13; cf. Dan. 8:21; 10:20; 11:2; Zech. 9:13).

Tubal, and Meschech. See also on Gen. 10:2. The two names are mentioned together in Gen. 10:2; Eze. 27:13; 32:26; 38:2, 3; 39:1. Tubal is mentioned with Tarshish, Pul, Lud, and Javan (Isa. 66:19). Tubal is listed with Tarshish, Javan, and Meshech (Eze. 27:12, 13) as trading with Tyre. Tubal and Meshech are most probably to be identified with Tabal and Mushki frequently named in the Assyrian inscriptions, and with the Moschoi (Moshians) and Tibarenoi of Herodotus (iii. 94; vii. 78).

Tiras. See also on Gen. 10:2. Probably the progenitor of the Tyrsenians, who occupied the coast of the Aegean Sea (Herodotus i. 57, 94).

6. Ashchenaz. See also on Gen. 10:3. The progenitor of a people who lived somewhere southeast of Lake Urmiah (see on Jer. 51:27).

7. Elishah. See also on Gen. 10:4. The progenitor of the inhabitants of "isles" or coasts (possibly Sicily, southern Italy, or Sardinia), who provided blue and purple in their trade with Tyre (Eze. 27:7). Such dyes were obtained from certain kinds of shellfish.

Tarshish. The name is now commonly identified with Tartessus in Spain (see on Gen. 10:4; see also 1 Kings 10:22; 22:48; 1 Chron. 7:10; Ps 48:7; Isa. 2:16; 23:1, 14; 60:9; 66:19; Jer. 10:9; Eze. 27:12, 25; Jonah 1:3).

Kittim. Probably, the island of Cyprus (see on Gen. 10:4; see also Num. 24:24; Eze. 27:6).

Dodanim. Rather, Rodanim (see on Gen. 10:4). His descendants were probably the inhabitants of Rhodes.

Cush. The Cushites inhabited Nubia, now part of the Sudan, anciently called Ethiopia (see on Gen. 10:6).

Mizraim. The Hebrew name for the land or peoples of Egypt (see on Gen. 10:6).

Put. Probably to be identified with the inhabitants of the land of Punt (see on Gen. 10:6; cf. Jer. 46:9; Eze. 27:10; 30:5; 38:5; Nahum 3:9).

Canaan. See on Gen. 10:6. There is much evidence of an early connection between Canaan and Egypt.

9. The sons of Cush. These were in southwestern Arabia (see on Gen. 10:7).

10. Cush begat Nimrod. Micah 5:6 speaks of Assyria as "the land of Nimrod." The primitive inhabitants of Mesopotamia were probably a Hamitic people (see on Gen. 10:8-11).

11. Ludim. These people, connected with the Egyptians (see Jer. 46:9; Eze. 30:5), may have been the Lydians (see on Gen. 10:13).

12. Pathrusim. Probably the inhabitants of Pathros or Upper Egypt (see on Gen. 10:14; cf. Isa. 11:11; Jer. 44:1; Eze. 29:14; 30:14).

Caphthorim. See also on Gen. 10:14. A people who came from Caphtor (Deut. 2:23), which is usually identified with Crete. Some think that the preceding clause, "of whom came the Philistines," has probably been misplaced and no doubt belongs here, for Caphtor is repeatedly mentioned as the ancient home of the Philistines (Jer. 47:4; Amos 9:7; see also Vol. II, p. 34).

13. Zidon his firstborn. See also on Gen. 10:15. Sidon was originally the outstanding city of Phoenicia. Even after Tyre became the more prominent, the Phoenicians were still called Sidonians (Deut. 3:9; Joshua 13:6; 1 Kings 11:5; 16:31).

Heth. The father of the Hittites (see on Gen. 10:15; see also Vol. I, pp. 129, 137; Vol. II, pp. 30-33).

14. Jebusite. The inhabitants of Jebus, or Jerusalem (1 Chron. 11:4, 5; see on Gen. 10:16; also Vol. II, p. 37).

Amorite. See also Gen. 10:16. This people inhabited the hill country east of the Jordan (Num. 21:13; Deut. 1:4; Judges 11:19-22), and the hill country west of the Jordan (Gen. 14:7, 13; Joshua 10:5; Judges 1:34, 35).

15. Hivite. This people dwelt on the slopes of Lebanon (Joshua 11:3; Judges 3:3), and also in Gibeon and Shechem (Joshua 9:7; Gen. 34:2). Nothing is known positively from extra-Biblical sources about the Hivites, but some think they may have been Horites or Hurrians (see on Joshua 9:3).

Arkite, and the Sinite. Inhabitants of two Phoenician cities (see on Gen. 10:17).

16. Arvadite. Arvad was on an island off the Phoenician coast (see on Gen. 10:18).

Zemarite. The people of Simarra, probably a town on the coast of Phoenicia, not identified (see on Gen. 10:18).

Hamathite. An important city on the Orontes (see on Gen. 10:18; see also Vol. II, p. 70).

17. Sons of Shem. Among these are listed a number of important nations.

Elam. This was the famous country in the mountainous region east of Babylonia (see on Gen. 10:22). Its capital, Susa (Shushan), was one of the capitals of the Persian Empire in the time of Esther (see on Esther 1:2).

Asshur. Assyria (see on Gen. 10:22).

Arphaxad. An ancestor of Abraham (vs. 24-27). The exact locality occupied by Arphaxad is unknown, but was possibly Arrapachitis (see on Gen. 10:22).

Lud. In Upper Mesopotamia (see on Gen. 10:22).

Aram. The Aramaeans, sometimes called Syrians, were a very important people whose language became widely used in Western Asia (Isa. 36:11), in both commerce and diplomacy (see also on Gen. 10:22; Vol. I, pp. 29, 30; Vol. II, pp. 70, 71; Vol. III, pp. 79-83).

Uz. See 1 Chron. 1:42; Gen. 36:28; Job 1:1; Jer. 25:20; Lam. 4:21. Its location is uncertain (see on Gen. 10:23). Job dwelt in the land of Uz (Job 1:1).

Meshech. Or Mash (Gen. 10:23).

Arphaxad begat Shelah. Verses 18 to 23 follow Gen. 10:24-29 almost exactly. Between Arphaxad and Shelah, the LXX in Gen. 10:24; 11:12, 13, adds Cainan. This name is not found in the present Hebrew text of Genesis, but it is found in Luke's genealogy of Christ (Luke 3:36).

Thus far 14 "sons of Japheth" have been listed, 30 "sons of Ham," and 26 "sons of Shem," a total of 70 in all in this series.

24. Shem, Arphaxad, Shelah. Verses 24-27 condense into short form the genealogy of Gen. 11:10-26.

In vs. 28-42 there is a second series of tribes or peoples, derived from Abraham through Ishmael, Keturah's sons, and Isaac. In the former series, the sons of Japheth and Ham were listed first, before the descendants of Shem. So now, the sons of Ishmael and of Keturah are given first, before those of Isaac are listed. Of Isaac's sons, Esau precedes Israel, since the chronicler is leading up to Israel as the climax of his presentation.

29. Nebaioth. See Gen. 25:13; 28:9; 36:3; Isa. 60:7.

Kedar. See Gen. 25:13; Isa. 21:16; 42:11; 60:7; Jer. 2:10; 49:28; Eze. 27:21. Probably the tribe of Kidri in Ashurbanipal's inscriptions, inhabiting a territory to the east of Edom.

Adbeel. Possibly a tribe near the Egyptian frontier (see on Gen. 25:13).

30. Hadad. Or Hadar (Gen. 25:15). Hadad is probably correct (see 1 Kings 11:14).

32. Keturah, Abraham's concubine. In Gen. 25:1, Keturah is called the "wife" of Abraham, an observation not out of harmony with what is said concerning Keturah in Gen. 25:6 and here. In ancient times a concubine was not an illegal partner but a wife of a secondary class.

Midian. See on Gen. 25:2.

Dedan. Gen. 25:3 adds the names of Asshurim, Letushim, and Leummim as sons of Dedan.

35. The sons of Esau. This list (vs. 35-37) is in general agreement with Gen. 36:10-14, but it is here given in greatly abbreviated form.

36. Teman. The name also of a district in Idumaea, or Edom (Amos 1:12; Jer. 49:7, 20; Eze. 25:13; Hab. 3:3). Teman was the home of Job's friend Eliphaz (Job 2:11).

Timna, and Amalek. According to Gen. 36:12 Timna was the concubine of Eliphaz and it was she who bore a son by the name of Amalek.

38. The sons of Seir. There is no apparent connection between this series and the one preceding. In Gen. 36:20 Seir is qualified as "the Horite, who inhabited the land." In Joshua 7:9 the phrase, "the inhabitants of the land," seems to imply the indigenous inhabitants. The "Horites," or Hurrians, were the early inhabitants who dwelt in the land before the Semitic invaders (Deut. 2:22; see on Gen. 36:20).

39. Homam. Or Hemam (Gen. 36:22). The difference is due to the fact that in Genesis a y is employed, whereas here there is a w. The two letters are so similar to each other in the Hebrew as to be easily interchanged. Thus, for obviously the same reason, Obal of Gen. 10:28 appears as Ebal in v. 22 of this chapter. Variations of this type are numerous. For example, we have Zephi (v. 36) and Alian and Shephi (v. 40) for Zepho (Gen. 36:11) and Alvan and Shepo (Gen. 36:23).

Amram. Heb. chamran. The name appears in Gen. 36:26 as chemda. In the consonantal Hebrew the difference is only one of a single letter, an r in Chronicles taking the place of a d in Genesis. In Hebrew these two letters are very similar, and the one may easily be mistaken for the other.

42. Jakan. Or Akan (Gen. 36:27). The difference in this instance probably resulted from the fact that in Genesis the name Akan is preceded by the conjunction "and," which in Hebrew is expressed simply by prefixing the letter w to a word. This w standing for the conjunction "and" may have been interpreted by some scribe as a y.

The numerous variations in the forms of many names in Chronicles though due, in part, to mistaking one Hebrew letter for another in handwritten lists, are not all necessarily errors of transcription. Not only were different names sometimes applied to the same person, but there seems to have been great latitude in spelling ancient names, as can be illustrated from non-Biblical records also. The Persian king known to the Jews as 'Achashwerosh, (in the KJV, Ahasuerus, from the Latin form), and to the Greeks as Xerxes, was known in Persia as Khshayarsha and was spelled in documents from other parts of his empire as Achshiyarshu, Achshimarshu, Hishiyarshu, etc. To the Egyptians he was known as Chsharsha, Chshayarsha, etc. Furthermore, Xerxes' father, whom we call Darius (Latin), was Dareios to the Greeks, Daryavesh to the Jews, Tariyamaush to the Susians, Dariyamush to the Babylonians, and Darayavaush to the Persians. Sometimes the same man bore totally unrelated names; the pretender who posed as Bardiya, the brother of Cambyses and whose real name was Gaumata, was called by the Greek writers Smerdis.

43. These are the kings. This list of ancient kings and dukes of Edom (vs. 43-54) is almost the same as the one found in Gen. 36:31-43.

1 Chronicles Chapter 2

1 The sons of Israel. 3 The posterity of Judah by Tamar. 13 The children of Jesse. 18 The posterity of Caleb the son of Hezron. 21 Hezron's posterity by the daughter of Machir. 25 Jerahmeel's posterity. 34 Sheshan's posterity. 42 Another branch of Caleb's posterity. 50 The posterity of Caleb the son of Hur.

1. The sons of Israel. With the exception of Dan, the sons of Jacob are listed in the sequence in which they occur in Gen. 35:23-26, and with the further omission of Joseph, as they appear in Ex. 1:1-4. The order is as follows: first the six sons of Leah, the first wife; then, out of order, Dan; next, the two sons of Rachel, the second wife; then the other son of Bilhal, the first concubine; and last, the two sons of Zilpah, the second concubine. Instead of appearing in the order in which his name would occur as the first son of Bilhah, Dan appears after the six sons of Leah. This is the position his name occupies among the sons of Jacob when the prophetic blessing was pronounced by Jacob before his death (Gen. 49:16). See Gen. 46:8-25; Num. 1:5-15, 20-47; 13:4-15; 26:5-48; Deut. 33:6-24 for other listings of these names.

3. The sons of Judah. The names here given agree with those of Gen. 38, although the account here is greatly abbreviated.

Er, the firstborn. Compare Gen. 38:7.

He slew him. The inclusion of this statement from the original record (see Gen. 38:7) is in keeping with the chronicler's purpose of presenting an account that shows the terrible fruitage of sin and the rewards of righteousness.

6. The sons of Zerah. From here on materials are presented not previously appearing in the Biblical record.

Zimri. In Joshua 7:1 this name appears as Zabdi, in the genealogy of Achan. In Hebrew an m is easily confused with a b, and an r with a d, so that zmr and zbd look almost exactly alike. For these Hebrew letters see p. 14.

7. The sons of Carmi. Carmi, the father of Achan, was the son of Zabdi (Joshua 7:1) or Zimri (v. 6), but the chronicler has here omitted this detail.

Achar. Or Achan (see Joshua 7:1). In Biblical genealogies many details are frequently passed over; and because of this, incorrect conclusions are sometimes drawn. Thus Achan, the son of Carmi, the son of Zabdi, the son of Zerah, was a Zerahite (Joshua 7:18), but in Joshua 7:24 he is simply mentioned as being the son of Zerah. The use of such words as "son" in the Bible must be understood in terms of what the writer meant in the original language, which is often different from our modern usage (see Vol. I, pp. 181, 186).

The use of "son" for "grandson" is common in the Bible. For example, Jehu, son of Jehoshaphat, son of Nimshi (2 Kings 9:2, 14), is called "the son of Nimshi" (1 Kings 19:16). Other typical examples are Azariah (1 Kings 4:2; cf. 1 Chron. 6:8-10), Kish (1 Sam. 9:1; 14:51; cf. 1 Chron. 8:33; 9:39). Athaliah is an example of a granddaughter being called a daughter (2 Kings 8:18; cf. 2 Kings 8:26). Cases where a daughter's children are called sons also occur (Gen. 31:43, 55; 1 Chron. 2:21-23). The term "son" is also applied, as in the case of Achan (see above on v. 7), to more distant descendants: Ezra is called a son of Seraiah (Ezra 7:1), but Seraiah died 130 years before Ezra entered his work at Jerusalem (see 1 Chron. 6:14; 2 Kings 25:18-21). Ezra's genealogy (Ezra 7:1-5), like many others, omits names. In other lists even "begat" can mean "was the ancestor of" (for example, in Matthew's series of 14 generations, Matt. 1:1-17; see Vol. I, p. 186). Such phrases as "son of David" and "son of Abraham" are further examples of "son" meaning merely "descendant." Other Hebrew expressions of relationship are similarly broad. Jacob and Laban, actually nephew and uncle, and similarly Lot and Abraham, are called brothers (Gen. 13:8; Gen. 14:14; see on Gen. 29:12). The confusion between father-in-law and brother-in-law for the relationship of Hobab to Moses (see on Num. 10:29; Judges 4:11) arises from the use of a specific English word to translate a Hebrew term meaning only "in-law." Similarly "cousin" in Luke 1:36 is used to translate a Greek word that means only "kinswoman," for in the time of the translating of the KJV that was also the meaning of "cousin" in English. It is not possible to unravel the exact family relationships of all the genealogies in the Bible, nor is it important to do so. The literal-minded modern reader must avoid labeling as discrepancies what upon closer investigation may prove to be merely an ancient habit of using a word in a more general sense than is common today.

The troubler. There may be a play on words here. "Achar" is from the Heb. Ôakar, which, according to some authorities, means "to trouble"; according to others, "to render taboo," "to cast out from [social] intercourse." Joshua accosted Achan with the question, "Why hast thou troubled us?" (Joshua 7:25). Achan met his doom in a place called "the valley of Achor [trouble]" (Joshua 7:24, 26).

9. The sons also of Hezron. The clan of Hezron was evidently important among the descendants of Judah, for vs. 9-55 of this chapter are devoted to Hezron's descendants.

Jerahmeel. Although Jerahmeel is mentioned frequently in this genealogy (vs. 9, 25-27, 33, 42), his name does not appear elsewhere in the OT except as his descendants, the Jerahmeelites, are referred to in 1 Sam 27:10; 1 Sam. 30:29, as living in southern Judah. Two other persons by his name are mentioned (1 Chron. 24:29; Jer. 36:26).

Ram. Jerahmeel also had a son by this name (1 Chron. 2:25). The Ram of Ruth 4:19; Matt. 1:3; and Luke 3:33, however, was the son of Hezron.

Chelubai. Probably a term designating the clan of Caleb, the son of Hezron (v. 18).

10. Ram begat Amminadab. Ram takes precedence over the other sons of Hezron, because it is from him that the royal line of David descended (1 Chron. 2:10-15; Ruth 4:19-22; Matt. 1:4-6; Luke 3:31-33).

11. Nahshon. A captain of Judah during the Exodus (Num. 1:7; 2:3; 10:14).

Salma. Or Salmon (Ruth 4:21; Matt 1:4; Luke 3:32). Salma probably founded Bethlehem (see 1 Chron. 2:51, 54).

13. Jesse begat. Verses 13-17 contain the names of the family of Jesse. According to 1 Sam. 16:10, 11; 1 Sam. 17:12-14, Jesse had eight sons, of whom David was the youngest, but here David is given as the seventh son of Jesse (v. 15). Perhaps one on of Jesse's sons died leaving no progeny. In both Chronicles and Samuel, Eliab, Abinadab, and Shimma (or Shammah) appear as the first three sons.

16. Sons of Zeruiah. Abishai, Joab, and Asahel are several times mentioned as sons of Zeruiah (1 Sam. 26:6; 2 Sam. 2:18). The father is nowhere identified.

17. Amasa. The general of Absalom (2 Sam. 17:25). Amasa was David's nephew (2 Sam. 19:13). Hence Joab the son of Zeruiah (1 Chron. 2:16; 2 Sam. 2:18; 17:25) and Amasa were cousins.

Jether the Ishmeelite. Called, "Ithra an Israelite" (2 Sam. 17:25).

18. Caleb the son of Hezron. Obviously not Caleb the son of Jephunneh, the contemporary of Joshua and conqueror of the districts of Hebron and Debir, for Hezron entered Egypt with Jacob (Gen. 46:12), and his son Caleb was the great--grandfather of the builder of the tabernacle (1 Chron. 2:19, 20; cf. Ex. 31:2). Caleb the son of Jephunneh was only 39 years old at the time of the Exodus (Joshua 14:6, 7, 13, 14; 15:13-17).

Her sons. Apparently the sons of Azubah, if the sons of Jerioth are listed in vs. 42-45.

19. Ephrath. Or, Ephratah (v. 50).

Hur. Hur, the son of Caleb and Ephratah, was the father of Bethlehem (ch. 4:4). Ephratah was the original name of Bethlehem (see on Gen. 35:19; cf. Ruth 4:11; Micah 5:2).

20. Bezaleel. The skilled artificer of the tabernacle (Ex. 31:2; 35:30; 2 Chron. 1:5).

21. Afterward Hezron. Verses 21-24 deal with another group of Hezronites, who established themselves in Gilead, east of the Jordan.

The daughter of Machir. Machir was the first-born of Manasseh, also the father of Gilead Joshua 17:1; Num. 26:29; 32:39, 40).

22. Jair. Although a son of Segub, he is also called "the son of Manasseh." (Num. 32:41; Deut. 3:14). Later there was a Gileadite judge by this name who is said to have had 30 sons and "thirty cities, which are called Havoth-jair" (Judges 10:4).

23. Took Geshur, and Aram. Geshur was a district to the east and northeast of the Sea of Galilee, later an independent Aramaean kingdom (1 Chron. 3:2; 2 Sam. 3:3; 13:37; 15:8). Aram was the region lying north of Palestine, including Syria and northern Mesopotamia. The people of these districts lying in the regions of Bashan and Mt. Hermon were conquered by Israel but were not expelled, being allowed to "dwell among the Israelites" (Joshua 13:11-13).

Even threescore cities. According to Deut. 3:14 Jair "took all the country of Argob unto the coasts of Geshuri and Maachathi; and called them after his own name, Bashan-havoth-jair" (see Num. 32:40, 41; Joshua 13:30, 31). In the days of Solomon the "towns of Jair" are still referred to, and the number of these cities in Bashan is again given as "threescore great cities with walls and brasen bars" (1 Kings 4:13).

To the sons of Machir. Segub and Jair, with their descendants, were reckoned as sons of Machir, the mother's father, rather than of Hezron, the father, and thus of Manasseh rather than Judah. The relationship between these two tribes is as follows: Having cast in their lot with Manasseh in the region of Gilead, these descendants of Hezron, who belonged to the tribe of Judah, henceforth had their genealogies reckoned with Manasseh, through the mother. Jair is regularly reckoned as belonging to the tribe of Manasseh (Num. 32:41; Deut. 3:14; Joshua 13:29-13).

24. Hezron was dead. There are difficulties in the Hebrew of this verse. The LXX renders the verse as follows: "And after the death of Esron, Caleb came to Ephratha; and the wife of Esron was Abia; and she bore him Ascho the father of Thecoe." Some scholars think that "Abia" should read "her father," making the text assert that Caleb approached Ephratah, his father's wife.

25. The sons of Jerahmeel. Verses 25-33 give the genealogy of Jerahmeel, the son of Hezron. The Jerahmeelites were an independent clan in the time of David, inhabiting the Negeb in southern Judah (1 Sam. 27:10; 30:29). This is the only place in Scripture where this genealogy is to be found.

Ram. He is not to be confused with Ram, the brother of Jerahmeel (v. 9). Compare Job 32:2, where Elihu is of the kindred of Ram.

26. Onam. See vs. 28-33 for the descendants of this clan.

31. Ahlai. Since Sheshan had no sons (v. 34), Ahlai was probably the name of a daughter. If it were the name of a son, the son probably had no progeny; at least, none is mentioned.

34. Sheshan had no sons. Verses 34-41 deal with the descendants of Sheshan, giving the pedigree of Elishama (v. 41). It is presumed that Elishama lived about the time of the chronicler. No contemporary of Ezra is known who bears this name, but in Jer. 36:12 there was an Elishama, one of the princes of Judah at the time of Jeremiah, who held the position of scribe. Since Sheshan is the tenth in descent from Judah, and since Elishama appeared 14 generations later, it is entirely possible that the Elishama whose pedigree is here given is the prince of Judah mentioned in Jer. 36:12.

42. Sons of Caleb. These were probably the sons of Jerioth, one of the wives of Caleb (see v. 18), since Jerioth's children have not been named before.

Mesha. The same name as that of a king of Moab (2 Kings 3:4) whose monument, the famous Moabite Stone, was found in 1868 at Dibon in Moab, though, of course, there is no connection. Being the father of Ziph, Mesha was probably the head of a Calebite clan that settled at Ziph, to the south of Hebron (Joshua 15:54, 55; 1 Sam. 23:14).

Ziph. Many of the names that follow are of geographical significance. Probably the descendants were named after geographical sites, or the sites bore the name of their founders. Ziph was in the hill country of Judah, and Mareshah was in the Shephelah of Judah, northwest of Hebron.

43. Tappuah. A town in the lowland of Judah (Joshua 15:34; 16:8). The exact location is unknown.

Rekem. A Benjamite city (Joshua 18:27).

45. Maon. Both Maon and Beth-zur were towns in the hill country of Judah (Joshua 15:55, 58; 1 Sam. 25:2; 2 Chron. 11:7; Neh. 3:16).

46. Caleb's concubine. With the exception of Mozah, which is the name of a town in Benjamin (Joshua 18:26), nothing is known of the individuals or places mentioned in this verse. The sons of this concubine probably represented mixed and obscure tribal groups.

47. Jahdai. Nothing is said of the connection of Jahdai with the foregoing.

49. Madmannah. A town of southern Judah (Joshua 15:31).

50. Sons of Caleb. Some believe there should be a period after "Caleb," making this sentence belong with the preceding material, not with what follows. The statement would then bring to a close the list of Calebites mentioned in vs. 42-49 in words corresponding to those closing the line of Jerahmeel in v. 33.

The son of Hur. If a period was intended after "Caleb," this statement should probably read "the sons of Hur," in harmony with the LXX and the Vulgate. In that case a new beginning is here made of the sons of Hur, first-born son of Ephratah, wife of Caleb after the death of Azubah (v. 19).

Shobal. In ch. 4:1 the name Shobal occurs following that of Hur as the head of a subtribe of Judah.

Kirjath-jearim. One of the cities of the Gibeonites (Joshua 9:17).

51. Salma. Compare v. 54. This Salma would, accordingly, be the descendant of Caleb and Ephratah. Another Salma occurs in v. 11, who was the great-grandson of Ram, brother of Caleb. It was this latter Salma who was the father of Boaz, and a member of the line from which David descended.

55. Jabez. A town, probably somewhere in Judah. Nothing else is known concerning the three families of scribes.

House of Rechab. At the time of Jeremiah the Rechabites occupied an honored position among the Jews (Jer. 35:2-19). Jehonadab the Rechabite took a strong stand with Jehu against the worship of Baal (2 Kings 10:23). Malchiah the Rechabite was an overseer of one of the districts of Judah during the time of Nehemiah (Neh. 3:14).

Ellen G. White Comments

7 PP 495

1 Chronicles Chapter 3

1 The sons of David. 10 His line to Zedekiah. 17 The successors of Jeconiah.

1. In Hebron. For the parallel list of David's sons born in Hebron see on 2 Sam. 3:2-5. There are slight variations in the wording of the two lists but no essential differences.

4. Seven years and six months. See on 2 Sam. 2:11.

5. In Jerusalem. For the parallel list of David's sons born in Jerusalem (vs. 5-8) see on 2 Sam. 5:14-16. The list occurs again in 1 Chron. 14:3-7.

9. Tamar their sister. Not, of course, their only sister, but here given special mention because of her unhappy fate (2 Sam. 13).

10. Solomon's son. Verses 10-16 list the kings of Judah who descended from David.

15. The firstborn Johanan. This son must not be confused with Jehoahaz, who succeeded his father Josiah to the throne and who was deposed and exiled to Egypt by Necho after a reign of only three months.

The second Jehoiakim. He was also known as Eliakim, and succeeded Jehoahaz at the age of 25, having been placed on the throne of Judah by Necho of Egypt (2 Kings 23:34, 36).

The third Zedekiah. His name was changed from Mattaniah to Zedekiah when Nebuchadnezzar made him king. He was only 21 at the end of Jehoiakim's 11-year reign (2 Kings 24:17, 18).

The fourth Shallum. This was Jehoahaz (2 Kings 23:30; cf. Jer. 22:11). Shallum was the first son of Josiah to reign after his father's death. He was placed upon the throne by the people of Judah after the death of Josiah (2 Kings 23:30). Jehoahaz was not the first-born son of Josiah, but was 2 years younger than Jehoiakim (see on 2 Kings 23:30, 36). The order of the sons of Josiah was, according to succession to the throne, Jehoahaz, Jehoiakim, Zedekiah; but according to age, Jehoiakim, Jehoahaz, Zedekiah. Shallum, or Jehoahaz, may here be listed as fourth because he reigned only 3 months, whereas his 2 brothers each reigned 11 years.

16. Jeconiah. Jeconiah was also known as Coniah (Jer. 22:24, 28), and Jehoiachin (2 Kings 24:6). In Hebrew, the name Jehoiachin is simply a transposition of the two component parts of Jeconiah.

17. The sons of Jeconiah. The posterity of Jehoiachin, who was taken captive to Babylon by Nebuchadnezzar, is given in vs. 17-24. This section is peculiar to Chronicles. Babylonian sources of the year 592 mention Jeconiah's five sons (see on 2 Kings 25:30).

19. Zerubbabel. The question is raised, Is this the prince who with Joshua the high priest led the Jews on their return from exile following the decree of Cyrus (Ezra 2:2)? That one was called the son of Shealtiel (Ezra 3:2; 5:2; Neh. 12:1; Haggai 1:1; Matt. 1:12; Luke 3:27). There are several possibilities. The two Zerubbabels may have been cousins, since Salathiel and Pedaiah were brothers (1 Chron. 3:17, 18), although in that case it seems strange that Salathiel's son was left out of the present genealogy. If this Zerubbabel, the son of Pedaiah, is also the "son of Shealtiel," it is possible that he was adopted by his apparently childless uncle, or that he was the actual child of one man, and the official son of the other through a levirate marriage (see on Gen. 38:8; Deut. 25:5-9). Another explanation is that Zerubbabel, although actually the son of Pedaiah, is called the son of Shealtiel because he succeeded Shealtiel as head of the family through whom David was descended.

22. Hattush. Some identify this man with the Hattush who returned with Ezra in the seventh year of King Artaxerxes (458/57 B.C.; see Ezra 7:7, 8; 8:2, 3). The identity is probable but conjectural. The name Hattush was not uncommon (see Neh. 3:10; 10:4; 12:2).

24. Hodaiah. Since Hodaiah is of the second generation after Hattush (1 Chron. 3:22-24), and since Ezra returned to Jerusalem in 457 B.C., the second generation after him would have been about 400 B.C. Therefore some date the authorship of the books of Chronicles about 400 B.C., although others hold that these latest names were added to bring the book up to date, in the same way that the last book of Moses, Deuteronomy, was completed after the death of the author by the addition of an account of Moses' death. For a further discussion of the problem as it concerns the book of Deuteronomy, see Additional Note on Deut. 34.

1 Chronicles Chapter 4

1, 11 The posterity of Judah by Caleb the son of Hur. 5 Of Ashur the posthumous son of Hezron. 9 Of Jabez, and his prayer. 21 The posterity of Shelah. 24 The posterity and cities of Simeon. 39 Their conquest of Gedor, and of the Amalekites in mount Seir.

1. The sons of Judah. Of the five names here given, only Pharez was a son of Judah (ch. 2:4). The others were evidently heads of various clans, and if so, the term "sons" is employed in this broader sense.

2. Reaiah. Verses 2-4 give the branches and settlements of Hur, the first-born of Ephratah, wife of Caleb (ch. 2:19, 50).

5. Ashur. In vs. 5-7 is given another line of descent from Hezron, through Ashur (ch. 2:24).

8. Coz. Nothing further is known concerning Coz.

9. Jabez. Jabez was also the name of a town of Judah in which certain families of scribes of the lineage of Salma, the son of Hur, lived (ch. 2:50, 54, 55).

More honourable than his brethren. Compare a similar phrase in Gen. 34:19.

10. God granted. Nothing is known of the circumstances by which God granted the earnest petition of Jabez. The important point is that God heard the prayer of faith and poured some great blessing upon His faithful servant.

12. Men of Rechah. Rechah is not otherwise known, but the Vaticanus manuscript and the Lucian recension of the LXX read "Rechab." In such a case the men of Rechah would be Rechabites. In ch. 2:55 the scribes of Jabez were "of the house of Rechab." These Rechabites were descendants of Hur through Salma (ch. 2:50-55), and Hur was a son of Caleb (ch. 2:19). In such a case the Chelub of v. 11 is possibly a namesake of Caleb--"Chelubai" of ch. 2:9--the son of Hezron.

13. Sons of Kenaz; Othniel. In vs. 13-15 members of this clan are listed. Kenaz is mentioned in Joshua 15:17 and Judges 1:13; 3:9, 11, where Othniel is given as the son of Kenaz, the brother of Caleb. Among the dukes of Edom another Kenaz is listed (1 Chron. 1:53).

15. Caleb. This seems to be at least the third Caleb mentioned in this genealogy if "Caleb, the son of Hur" is included (see ch. 2:18, 50; see on ch. 2:18).

17. Eshtemoa. This probably refers to the founder of the Judean mountain city of Eshtemoh (Joshua 15:50), now es-SemuÆÔ, 8 mi. (12.6 km.) south of Hebron.

18. Socho. This possibly refers to the Judean mountain city of Socoh (Joshua 15:48), near Eshtemoa, which is 9 mi. (14.4 km.) south of Hebron. Socoh is known today as Khirbet Shuweikeh.

Zanoah. Another of the mountain cities of Judah (Joshua 15:56), probably ZaÆnuta, about 2 mi. (3.2 km.) southeast of Beth-shemesh.

19. Keilah. A town in the Shephelah (Joshua 15:44) rescued by David from the Philistines (1 Sam. 23). It is now Khirbet QéÆlaµ, 8 mi. (12.6 km.) northwest of Hebron.

Eshtemoa. Verse 17 states that Ishbah was the father of Eshtemoa. Possibly this Eshtemoa, the Maachathite, is not the same as the former.

The Maachathite. The Maachathites were the people of a small kingdom to the northeast of Palestine (Deut. 3:14; Joshua 12:5; 13:11).

21. The sons of Shelah. Verses 21-23 give a brief account of the families of Shelah.

Mareshah. An important city of Judah (Joshua 15:44), now Tell Sandah\annah, 13 mi. northwest of Hebron.

Wrought fine linen. Such occupations in ancient times were commonly confined to hereditary guilds.

22. Chozeba. Some think this was Chezib (Gen. 38:5). The name survives in Khirbet Kuweizibeh, northwest of Hebron; it was more likely nearby Khirbet ed-Dilb.

Dominion in Moab. This phrase may refer to the subjugation of Moab by two chieftains of Judah. Some suggest that it may refer to intermarriage with Moab, since the verb here translated "had dominion," baÔal, also means "to marry" (see Gen. 20:3; Deut. 21:13; etc.). For the use of the verb in the sense of ruling see Isa. 26:13.

23. Plants and hedges. These words should probably be left untranslated and be rendered Netaim and Gederah. The latter is mentioned as a place name in Joshua 15:36.

With the king. The meaning seems to be that the potteries at Netaim and Gederah were controlled by the king.

24. Sons of Simeon. Compare other lists of Simeon's sons (Gen. 46:10; Ex. 6:15; Num. 26:12, 13). The genealogies of Simeon follow those of Judah evidently because of the close relationship between the two tribes (see Judges 1:3). Simeon received his inheritance within the limits of Judah (Joshua 19:1, 9).

27. Not many children. That is, the other Simeonite clans (Num. 26:12-14). During the 40 years' wandering the tribe decreased 60 per cent in population (Num. 1:23; 26:14), with the result that it numbered less than half the average of all the tribes.

28. They dwelt. Verses 28-33 give the dwelling places of the Simeonites. The list parallels that of Joshua 19:2-8. Many of the towns here assigned to Simeon are reckoned with Judah in Joshua 15:26-32, 42.

Beer-sheba. In Joshua's enumeration Sheba appears after Beersheba, obviously as another designation of the site of Beer-sheba (see on Joshua 19:2).

31. Shaaraim. Or Sharuhen (Joshua 19:6) and Shilhim in Joshua 15:32. Sharuhen is listed by Thutmose III as subjugated by him.

32. Five cities. Why these 5 cities should be listed separately from the former 13 is not clear. The separation is also made in Joshua 19:7, where, however, only 4 villages are given. Perhaps these places remained in the possession of Simeon after the other 13 had been lost.

33. Baal. Or Baalath-beer (Joshua 19:8). Some identify this with Ramah, or Ramoth, of the South (see 1 Sam. 30:27).

34. And Meshobab. Verses 34-43 trace the emigration and conquests of the Simeonites. Verses 34-37 give the names of the 13 princes of Simeon who led out in the expedition made by their tribe in the days of Hezekiah. The number of princes is the same as that of the 13 cities (vs. 28-31).

38. Increased greatly. Because of increase in numbers and probably also pressure from neighbors who had likewise increased, the Simeonite chieftains went forth to seek new settlements.

39. Gedor. This town must have been somewhere in the extreme south of Simeon; its exact location is unknown. The LXX here reads Gerar, the place where Isaac dwelt (Gen. 26:17). It is possibly the Geder of Joshua 12:13.

40. Fat pasture. When Isaac moved to Gerar he found a country that would support his possessions of flocks and herds (Gen. 26:14, 17-20).

They of Ham. Evidently the original Canaanites (see ch. 1:8).

41. The days of Hezekiah. Compare 2 Kings 18:8, where Hezekiah "smote the Philistines, even unto Gaza." Gerar is thought to have been about 8 mi. (12.6 km.) south of Gaza.

42. Mount Seir. In the territory of Edom to the south and east. The name Mt. Seir is commonly used to designate the land of Edom.

43. Amalekites. These were no doubt Amalekites who had taken refuge in Edom from Saul's wars of extermination (1 Sam. 14:48; 15:8; cf. 2 Sam. 8:12). Amalek was partly of Edomite ancestry (1 Chron. 1:35, 36).

1 Chronicles Chapter 5

1 The line of Reuben (who lost his birthright) unto the captivity. 9 Their habitation and conquest of the Hagarites. 11 The chief men and habitations of Gad. 18 The number and conquest of Reuben, Gad, and the half of Manasseh. 23 The habitations and chief men of that half tribe. 25 Their captivity for their sin.

1. Sons of Reuben. Chapter 5 deals with the tribes that settled east of the Jordan: Reuben, Gad, and the half tribe of Manasseh. Verses 3 to 10 give the genealogy of Reuben. Reuben was the first-born son of Leah, who was also the mother of Judah and Simeon (Gen. 35:23), whose genealogies have already been given.

Sons of Joseph. As the eldest son of Jacob, Reuben would have been entitled to the rights of the first-born. The inheritance of a double portion (Deut. 21:15-17), which Reuben had forfeited by his sin (Gen. 35:22; 49:4), was given to the sons of Joseph (Gen. 48:21, 22).

After the birthright. As the first-born, Reuben should have appeared first in the genealogical list. But that place went to Judah.

2. Judah prevailed. See Gen. 49:8-12 for the special blessings pronounced upon Judah. Although Joseph received a double portion, the chief blessings among the sons of Jacob went to Judah.

Chief ruler. This refers to the royal line of David (see 1 Sam. 13:14; Micah 5:2).

3. Hanoch. These names are also listed in Gen. 46:9; Ex. 6:14; Num. 26:5-7. Such names as Hezron and Carmi are also prominent among the descendants of Judah (1 Chron. 2:7, 9; 4:1).

4. Sons of Joel. The line of Joel is traced in vs. 4-6 to the time of Tiglath-pileser (745-727 B.C.). Since only eight generations are given, there must be large gaps in this genealogical line.

6. Tilgath-pilneser. Tiglath-pileser III, who came against Israel in the days of Pekah (2 Kings 15:29).

8. Aroer. A city on the northern bank of the Arnon River (see on Num. 32:34).

Nebo. A site east of the north end of the Dead Sea (Num. 32:38; Deut. 34:1).

Baal-meon. A city 4 mi. (6.4 km.) southwest of Medeba. The preceding three cities are mentioned by Mesha on the famous Moabite Stone (see Vol. II, pp. 864, 865).

9. The wilderness. As the Reubenites increased they continued to push to the east, to the great desert between Transjordan and the Euphrates.

10. The days of Saul. See vs. 18-22.

Hagarites. An Aramaean people referred to as the HagaraÆnu in Assyrian inscriptions of Sennacherib, as living in Syria. Their proximity to Moab may be suggested in Ps. 83:6.

11. Children of Gad. Verses 11 to 17 present the posterity of Gad, the first-born son of Zilpah, handmaid of Leah (Gen. 35:26).

Over against them. That is, adjoining the Reubenites, on the east of Jordan. Compare Joshua 13:24-28.

Bashan. The ancient dominion of Og (Num. 21:33-35; Deut. 3:1-12). "All Bashan" was originally given to Manasseh (Deut. 3:13; Joshua 13:30), with Gad receiving the territory of Gilead (Joshua 13:24, 25). Bashan was north of Gilead (see v. 16), but the towns of Jair are mentioned as belonging to both regions (see Joshua 13:30, 31; Judges 10:3, 4; Deut. 3:14).

13. Heber, seven. Genesis 46:16 also lists seven sons of Gad, but the names are not the same as the ones given here. These may be the names of the heads of clans at the time of the settlement in Transjordan.

14. Children of Abihail. The clans mentioned in v. 13 were sons of Abihail. Abihail's descent is then traced back to Buz. The name Buz occurs in Gen. 22:21 as a son of Nahor, and Buzite appears in Job 32:2 describing the clan of Elihu.

17. Jotham. King of Judah from about 750 to 731 B.C.

Jeroboam. King of Israel from about 793 to 753 B.C. Jeroboam was the vigorous ruler who restored the territory of Israel "from the entering of Hamath unto the sea of the plain" (2 Kings 14:25). The phrase, "reckoned by genealogies," suggests that he probably took a census of the tribes east of the Jordan. In the chaotic period following Jeroboam, Jotham may have taken over the territory of Israel across the Jordan, for he "fought also with the king of the Ammonites, and prevailed against them" (2 Chron. 27:5).

18. Valiant men. The exact number, 44,760, is evidently based on an official census. Immediately after the Exodus (Num. 1:21, 25, 35), Reuben had 46,500 soldiers, Gad had 45,650, and all Manasseh 32,200, and in the days of Joshua the number of men of war from these tribes totaled 43,730, 40,500, and 52,700 respectively (Num. 26:7, 18, 34).

19. The Hagarites. See on v. 10.

22. Until the captivity. The Hagarites were completely dispossessed of their territories, and the Israelites held the land till the captivity, in the days of Tiglath-pileser (see vs. 6, 26).

24. Heads of the house. Nothing further is known concerning these heroes, or "famous men."

25. They transgressed. The chronicler constantly points out the sad results of sin, hoping thus to awaken Israel to the dangers of transgression and the blessings of obedience.

26. Pul. Contemporary documents from Babylon identify Pulu, or Pul, as the Babylonian name of Tiglath-pileser. In the Canon of Ptolemy, Tiglath-pileser bears the name of Poros, a Greek modification of the Babylonian Pulu and the Biblical Pul (see Vol. II, pp. 61, 156, 157, 159). The singular form of the Hebrew verb here translated, "and he carried them away," suggests that only one king and not two were involved. It is possible to translate the Hebrew word for "and" as "even." This permits the rendering, "The God of Israel stirred up the spirit of Pul king of Assyria, even the spirit of Tiglath-pileser king of Assyria, and he carried them away." Thus translated this text supports what is believed to be convincing evidence from ancient documents that the Assyrian ruler, Tiglath-pileser, was the same king as Pul.

Reubenites. The subjugation and deportation of the ten northern tribes was accomplished in successive stages. The deportation of the Transjordanic tribes by Tiglath-pileser is here described. The same Assyrian king also invaded the territory of the northern tribes and carried its peoples into captivity (2 Kings 15:29). When Shalmaneser made his final assault on Samaria (2 Kings 18:9), only a feeble remnant remained (see on 2 Chron. 30:6).

Unto Halah, and Habor. These same places are mentioned in 2 Kings 17:6 as localities to which the Israelites were taken after the capture of Samaria in 722 B.C. Habor is believed to be another name for the river Khabur, which flows into the Euphrates. The Khabur Valley was the temporary residence of Abraham on his way to Canaan (see on Gen. 11:31).

Gozan. A city of Mesopotamia called by the Assyrians Guzanu. It is on the upper reaches of the Khabur River, about midway between Nineveh and Haran and is known today as Tell HalaÆf.

Ellen G. White Comments

26 PK 287

1 Chronicles Chapter 6

1 The sons of Levi. 4 The line of the priests unto the captivity. 16 The families of Gershom, Merari, and Kohath. 49 The office of Aaron, and his line unto Ahimaaz. 54 The cities of the priests and Levites.

1. The sons of Levi. Chapter 6 deals with the tribe of Levi, its descendants and its cities. Verses 3 to 15 give the line of Aaron through Eleazar to Jehozadak and the Babylonian captivity. Beginning with Eleazar, 22 names are given for a period covering more than 8 centuries.

4. Eleazar. Eleazar was only one of the sons of Aaron, but it is his line that is here given. There were also personages of high-priestly rank in the line of Ithamar (see ch. 24:1-6).

6. Uzzi begat Zerahiah. This was probably near the time of Eli. The line of Eli is as follows: Eli, Phinehas, Ahitub, Ahimelech, Abiathar (see 1 Sam. 14:3; 22:20; 1 Kings 2:26, 27). The line of Eleazar through Uzzi and Zerahiah was no doubt serving as priests contemporaneously with the line of Ithamar-Eli. In 1 Chron. 24:3, Ahimelech of Eli's line is called a descendant of Ithamar. See further on 2 Sam. 8:17.

8. Ahitub begat Zadok. Zadok was joint high priest with Abiathar under David (see 2 Sam. 8:17; 15:24).

10. Azariah. Compare 1 Kings 4:2. The name Azariah appears three times in the present list (1 Chron. 6:9, 10, 13). A priest by the name of Azariah withstood Uzziah (2 Chron. 26:17, 18), and another Azariah was priest during the time of Hezekiah (2 Chron. 31:10).

11. Amariah. Probably the high priest in office at the time of Jehoshaphat (2 Chron. 19:11).

12. Ahitub begat Zadok. The exact period when these men held priestly office is not known. It was probably about the time when Jehoiada, who made Joash king (2 Chron. 23), lived. The fact that Jehoiada is not cited in the present genealogy is evidence that the names of all priests do not appear in this present list. About a century later there was another priest, presumably a high priest, whose name does not appear in the present listing, Urijah of the time of Ahaz (2 Kings 16:10-16).

13. Hilkiah. Probably the Hilkiah who found the book of the law during the time of Josiah (2 Kings 22:8).

14. Seraiah. The high priest at the time when Jerusalem fell (2 Kings 25:18-21; Jer. 52:24).

15. Jehozadak went into captivity. He must have been very young at this time (586 B.C.), for his son (unless grandson or other descendant is meant, see on ch. 2:7) Joshua was high priest (Ezra 3:2) at the time of the return of the exiles during the reign of Cyrus (c. 553-530 B.C.), and as late as the second year of Darius (520/519 B.C.), when the work of completing the rebuilding of the Temple was begun (Haggai 1:1, 14).

16. The sons of Levi. After having given a list of the high priests from Levi to Jehozadak (vs. 1-15), the chronicler returns to the sons of Levi, to give an account of several branches of the house of Levi.

19. Families. That is, clans.

20. Of Gershom. Verses 20 and 21 list seven successive generations of Gershonites. This genealogy does not appear in the Pentateuch.

22. The sons of Kohath. With this list of the descendants of Kohath (vs. 22-28), compare that of the ancestors of Heman the singer (vs. 33-38; see on v. 33).

28. Samuel. The list of Kohathites concludes with the mention of Samuel and his sons.

Vashni. Heb. washni, probably to be translated "and the second." The first-born son was Joel (see on 1 Sam. 8:2).

31. Whom David set. Verses 31 and 32 are a preclude to the pedigrees of Heman, Asaph, and Ethan, who were the leaders of David's choir.

32. Tabernacle. After the entry into Canaan the tabernacle which Moses had made was set up at Shiloh and was still there in the days of Eli (Joshua 18:1; Judges 18:31; 1 Sam. 1:3). It was later moved to Nob, as is evident by the presence of the shewbread there (1 Sam. 21:1, 4, 6). In David's time, even after the ark had been brought to Jerusalem (1 Chron. 13:5-14; 15:1 to 16:6), the tabernacle and the altar of burnt offering were at Gibeon (1 Chron. 21:29). The tabernacle seems to have remained there until the reign of Solomon (2 Chron. 1:3), who finally transferred it to the new Temple (2 Chron. 5:5).

Since v. 31 mentions the ark, it is not quite clear whether v. 32 refers to the original tabernacle (at Gibeon) or the tent erected to house the ark in Jerusalem (see PP 708).

33. Of the Kohathites: Heman. Verses 33-38 present the ancestry of Heman, a Kohathite, one of the tabernacle singers in the days of David, and his lineage parallels that of vs. 22-28. There are variations in the two lists. Twenty-one generations are listed from Levi to this contemporary of David, a period of about 650 years. Ruth 4:18-22 list ten generations in the line of Judah from Judah to David (see on Matt. 1:3-6). Not all genealogical tables give every link (see on ch. 2:7).

39. Asaph. Verses 39-43 trace the lineage of Asaph back to Gershom, the son of Levi, through 13 names. However, vs. 20, 21, list only 7 names for this period. The fact that such names as Zerah, Zimmah, and Jahath appear in both lists and in the same sequence, indicates that the two lists cover the same genealogy, with the first, however, giving an abbreviated form.

Right hand. That is, the Asaphites stood to the right of the Hemanites.

44. Sons of Merari. Verses 44-47 present the ancestry of Ethan the Merarite.

48. Their brethren. That is, the Levites who were not singers.

49. Aaron and his sons. As an introduction to the next section, which has to do with the Levitical cities, appears a partial recapitulation of the priestly line, terminating with Ahimaaz of the time of David and Solomon (vs. 50-53; cf. vs. 4-8).

54. Dwelling places. Compare Joshua 21:5-39.

55. Suburbs. That is, the surrounding pasturelands (see on Num. 35:2; Joshua 14:4).

58. Hilen. Called "Holon" in Joshua 21:15.

60. Thirteen cities. Only 11 cities have been named. The two not listed are Juttah and Gibeon (see Joshua 21:16, 17).

61. The half tribe. This verse is probably an incomplete form of the parallel passage in Joshua 21:5.

64. These cities. That is, the cities numbered in vs. 61-64 (see Joshua 21:4-8).

66. The residue. Compare Joshua 21:20. Verses 66-81 name the cities whose number was given in vs. 61-64. Compare Joshua 21:20-39. Many variations occur in the names of the cities in the two lists. Some nine centuries had elapsed between the writing of Joshua and Chronicles, and in this time many changes had taken place in local names.

67. Cities of refuge. Only Shechem was a city of refuge. For the cities of refuge, see on Num. 35:6; Deut. 19:2, 3.

69. Aijalon. Joshua 21:23, 24, lists Aijalon as a contribution of Dan, together with Eltekeh, Gibbethon, and Gath-rimmon.

71. Sons of Gershom. Verses 71-76 list the cities of the Gershonites. Compare Joshua 21:27-33.

Ashtaroth. The city had evidently been a seat of the worship of Ashtoreth.

77. Merari. Verses 77-81 list the cities of the Merarites. Compare Joshua 21:34-39.

Rimmon. Compare Joshua 21:34, 35.

78. By Jericho. These geographical facts are not found in Joshua 21:36, which mentions only that the cities were from the tribe of Reuben.

80. Ramoth. One of the cities of refuge (see on Joshua 20:8).

81. Heshbon. A city across the Jordan from Jericho, in the vicinity of Mt. Nebo and Medeba.

1 Chronicles Chapter 7

1 The sons of Issachar, 6 of Benjamin, 13 of Naphtali, 14 of Manasseh, 20, 24 and of Ephraim. 21 The calamity of Ephraim by the men of Gath. 23 Beriah is born. 28 Ephraim's habitations. 30 The sons of Asher.

1. Sons of Issachar. Verses 1 to 5 list the clans of Issachar, together with the census of the men of military age.

5. Fourscore and seven thousand. At the first census of Moses the warriors of Issachar numbered 54,400 (Num. 1:29), and at the second, 64,300 (Num. 26:25).

6. Sons of Benjamin. Verses 6 to 12 list the clans of Benjamin together with the census. Only three names are here given, whereas 1 Chron. 8:1, 2, and Num. 26:38, 39 list five sons of Benjamin, and Gen. 46:21 lists ten. All lists name Bela first but differ in regard to other names.

7. Sons of Bela. Compare ch. 8:3-5, where a different list of names is given. The two lists probably give the clans of Bela at different periods.

11. All these. If the 17,200 Jediaelites are added, the 22,034 Belaites and the 20,200 Becherites (vs. 7, 9), a total of 59,434 Benjamites is arrived at. The first Mosaic census gives 35,400 (Num. 2:23), and the second census gives 45,600 (Num. 26:41).

13. Sons of Naphtali. The sons are listed, but no census figure is given. The list agrees with the lists of Gen. 46:24 and Num. 26:48, 49 except for minor differences in spelling.

14. Sons of Manasseh. Verses 14 to 19 give the genealogy of Manasseh.

Whom she bare. The reading here is obscure. The verse may also be translated so as to support the reading of the LXX, "The sons of Manasse; Esriel, whom his Syrian concubine bore; and she bore to him also Machir the father of Galaad."

Machir. The first-born of Manasseh (Joshua 17:1).

15. Huppim and Shuppim. The meaning of this verse is obscure. Some think that Machir took wives of the clans of Huppim and Shuppim. Others think that the meaning is that he took wives for Huppim and Shuppim.

Zelophehad. According to Num. 26:33 and Joshua 17:3 Zelophehad was the son of Hepher, who was a grandson of Machir.

Daughters. See on Joshua 17:3, 5.

16. Peresh. The names here listed do not occur elsewhere in the Bible.

17. Bedan. The name occurs elsewhere only in 1 Sam. 12:11.

18. Abiezer. In Joshua 17:2 this name appears as that of a son, or at least a descendant of Manasseh, and in Judges 6:11, 24, 34, as that of Gideon's clan.

20. Sons of Ephraim. Verses 20 to 27 give the genealogy of Ephraim. The genealogy is somewhat difficult to follow. According to Num. 26:35, 36, Ephraim had three sons and Shuthelah had a son by the name of Eran. Here a genealogical line is apparently given from Shuthelah through Bered to the eighth generation, at which time, however, Ephraim seems to be still alive (v. 22). Perhaps the sons of Ephraim are Shuthelah, Bered, and Tahath (see Shuthelah, Becher, and Tahan in Num. 26:35), and Shuthelah the son of Zabad (1 Chron. 7:21) is to be regarded as the end of the line of Shuthelah (v. 20).

21. Ezer, and Elead. Verses 21 to 24 break the table of genealogical names by the narrative of the death of Ephraim's sons and the birth of Beriah, whose daughter Sherah founded the two Beth-horons.

26. Elishama. A prince of Ephraim at the time of Moses (Num. 7:48).

27. Non. A variant spelling of Nun, the father of Joshua (Joshua 1:1).

28. Beth-el. This city was originally assigned to Benjamin (Joshua 18:22), but later it was incorporated into the northern kingdom as part of Ephraim. See on Gen. 28:19; Joshua 18:22.

29. Beth-shean. The four cities mentioned were originally assigned to Manasseh but were within the territory of Issachar and Asher (Joshua 17:11). See on 1 Sam. 31:10.

30. Sons of Asher. Verses 30 to 40 give the genealogy of Asher.

Imnah. Compare Gen. 46:17.

38. Jephunneh. This is also the name of the father of Caleb (Num. 13:6).

40. Twenty and six thousand. This seems to be the number of fighting men of Asher. In the first census of Moses the number was 41,500 (Num. 1:41), and in the second census it was 53,400 (Num. 26:47).

1 Chronicles Chapter 8

1 The sons and chief men of Benjamin. 33 The stock of Saul and Jonathan.

1. Benjamin. The record now returns to the genealogy of Benjamin. The present register is different from that given in ch. 7:6-12. Compare Gen. 46:21, 22; Num. 26:38-41. Perhaps "son" is here used in the general sense of "descendant" (see on 1 Chron. 2:7).

6. Ehud. The descendants of Ehud are listed in vs. 6 to 28. This Ehud may have been the judge by that name, for he is called the son of Gera, and the Ehud here mentioned also had a Gera in his ancestral line (Judges 3:15; cf. 1 Chron. 8:5).

They removed them. Literally, "they carried them into exile." The details of the incident are not clear.

7. He removed them. Literally, "he carried them into exile." As in v. 6, the details are not clear.

8. Sent them away. The meaning probably is that Shaharaim sent away his wives Hushim and Baara.

12. Ono, and Lod. These two names occur together again in Ezra 2:33 and Neh. 7:37. Lod is the Lydda of Acts 9:32.

28. Heads of the fathers. That is, heads of leading family groups or clans.

Dwelt in Jerusalem. Jerusalem was inhabited partly by descendants of Benjamin and partly by those of Judah (see 1 Chron. 9:3; Neh. 11:4). The five groups of Benjamites mentioned in 1 Chron. 8:14-28 dwelt in Jerusalem, in contrast with the preceding groups who dwelt in scattered areas about Jerusalem, as far away as Lydda, 24 mi. northwest of Jerusalem, and Moab (1 Chron. 8:12, 8).

29. Father of Gibeon. Identified as Jehiel (ch. 9:35). Chapter 8:29-40 lists the families of Gibeon and the royal house of Saul.

30. Kish. The name of Ner does not appear here (see ch. 9:36). This Kish is not the father of Saul, but presumably his great-uncle (see v. 33; ch. 9:36, 39; see on 1 Sam. 14:50).

31. Zacher. Or Zechariah (ch. 9:37). Zacher is from the Heb. zakar, which means "to remember." Zacher means "remembrance" or "memorial," while the form Zechariah may mean either "the Lord has remembered," or "the Lord will remember."

32. With their brethren. That is, with the other Benjamite clans who settled in Jerusalem (vs. 14-28). Originally assigned to the tribe of Benjamin, Jerusalem was later included in the territory assigned to the tribe of Judah.

33. Kish. Thus Kish, Ner's son, was presumably a grandson of Jehiel (ch. 9:35, 36, 39), or Abiel (1 Sam. 14:51). Kish is called Abiel's son (1 Sam. 9:1) in the wider meaning of "son" (see on 1 Chron. 2:7).

Saul. The home of Saul was at Gibeah rather than Gibeon (1 Sam. 10:26; 11:4; 15:34; 2 Sam. 21:6).

Esh-baal. The employment of the name "Baal" in Esh-baal and in Merib-baal, the son of Jonathan (v. 34), does not necessarily indicate that Saul was devoted to the worship of the god Baal. The Heb. baÔal simply means "owner," "husband," "lord." However, after the word came to be definitely connected with the god Baal it appears no longer to have been used by Hebrews who were faithful to Jehovah in the naming of their children. The change from Esh-baal (literally, "man of Baal") to Ishbosheth (literally, "man of shame") and possibly also that of Merib-baal (1 Chron. 9:40) to Mephibosheth (see on 2 Sam. 2:8; see also 2 Sam. 4:4; 9:6) was probably a deliberate substitution to eliminate the implication of idolatry. The Hebrew people were fond of such adaptations in names as a means of giving expression to their feelings.

40. The sons of Ulam. Judging from the number of generations from Jonathan, it is possible that Ulam's 150 sons and grandsons lived at the time of the return from the Exile.

1 Chronicles Chapter 9

1 The original of Israel's and Judah's genealogies. 2 The Israelites, 10 the priests, 14 and the Levites, with Nethinims, which dwelt in Jerusalem. 27 The charge of certain Levites. 35 The stock of Saul and Jonathan.

1. Were written. Evidently Chronicles was completed after the transportation to Babylon.

2. Nethinims. These were the order of Temple servants who performed the menial tasks such as carrying the water and the wood. On the identity of the Nethinims see on Joshua 9:21; Ezra 2:43; 8:20.

3. And in Jerusalem. Verses 3 to 17 seem to correspond to Neh. 11:4-19, although opinions vary as to whether the list in Chronicles describes the inhabitants before or after the Exile. The two accounts are not identical, but those who claim that both are postexilic believe that they were taken from the same longer source, with each compiler selecting his own list of representative names.

4. Uthai. Compare Neh. 11:4; see on 1 Chron 9:3.

6. Six hundred and ninety. Compare Neh. 11:6, where the number is given as 468. The totals may represent different periods.

9. Nine hundred and fifty and six. The total in Neh. 11:8 is 928 (see on 1 Chron. 9:3, 6).

10. Priests. Verses 10 to 13 list the priests engaged in the Temple service.

11. Azariah. Compare ch. 6:11-13, where the names correspond as far as Zadok, but where the next two names, Meraioth, son of Ahitub, do not appear, though there is an earlier Meraioth (ch. 6:7). The list in Neh. 11:11 is the same as in the present verse, with the exception that Seraiah appears instead of Azariah. According to Neh 12:1 a Seraiah begins a list of priests who went up with Zerubbabel and Joshua, and in Neh. 10:2 a Seraiah and an Azariah are among the priests who sealed the covenant with Nehemiah some 70 years later. Neh. 12:12 shows Seraiah to be the head of a priestly clan. Obviously favorite names were repeated in priestly families.

12. Adaiah. Compare Neh. 11:12; see on 1 Chron. 9:3.

Pashur. Compare Neh. 11:12; see on 1 Chron. 9:3.

13. A thousand and seven hundred and threescore. The total of the priestly clans listed in Neh. 11:12-14 comes to 1,192. The totals may represent different periods.

14. Shemaiah. Compare Neh. 11:15, where the line is carried back one more generation to include the name of Bunni but where the phrase, "of the sons of Merari," is omitted.

16. The Netophathites. Netophah was a village near Bethlehem (1 Chron. 2:54; Neh. 7:26).

17. And the porters. Verses 17 to 26 deal with the keepers of the gates, giving their numbers and their duties. Compare Neh. 11:19.

21. Tabernacle. See on ch. 6:32.

22. Two hundred and twelve. According to Neh. 11:19 the number of porters was 172. The total at the time of David was 93 1 Chron. 26:8-11, and those who returned with Ezra numbered 139 (Ezra 2:42).

Samuel the seer. It is interesting to notice that Samuel had a part in arranging the Temple services. No mention is made elsewhere of such an activity on the part of Samuel.

24. Four quarters. Compare Num. 3:23-38, where God through Moses prescribed that the Levites should camp on the four sides of the tabernacle.

25. Their villages. The families of the Temple warders lived in rural areas around Jerusalem.

After seven days. Probably on the Sabbath (see 2 Kings 11:5).

28. Ministering vessels. The sacred vessels employed in the services of the sanctuary.

By tale. Literally, "by number." The sacred vessels were to be carefully counted out so that none might be lost.

30. Sons of the priests. The Levites had charge of the stores of spices (v. 29), but only the priests might prepare the holy ointment.

32. Shewbread. Compare Lev. 24:5-9.

Every Sabbath. Every Sabbath the shewbread was replaced on the golden table (see on Lev. 24:8).

33. Singers. This item regarding the singers concludes the statement concerning the Levites employed in the Temple services.

35. In Gibeon. Verses 35-44 are almost an exact duplicate of ch. 8:29-38. The genealogy of Saul is repeated, this time as an introduction to the account of his final ruin in ch. 10, with which the narrative section of Chronicles begins.

1 Chronicles Chapter 10

1 Saul's overthrow and death. 8 The Philistines triumph over Saul. 11 The kindness of Jabesh-gilead towards Saul and his sons. 13 Saul's sin, for which the kingdom was translated from him to David.

1. Now the Philistines. Verses 1-12 parallel 1 Sam. 31:1-13. The two accounts are almost identical but certain variations do occur.

6. All his house died. This statement is not intended to convey the idea that there were no survivors of the house of Saul, for Ish-bosheth survived (2 Sam. 2:8). Its object seems, rather, to indicate the completeness of the fall. The family of Saul was no more to rise to power.

7. The valley. That is, the Valley of Jezreel (see on 1 Sam. 29:1).

10. House of their gods. "House of Ashtaroth" (1 Sam. 31:10). Ashtoreth was the Canaanite counterpart of the Mesopotamian goddess Ishtar. She was the goddess of sexual love and of war (see on Judges 2:13).

Fastened his head. This detail is not mentioned in the book of Samuel, which, on the other hand, mentions the fastening of Saul's body to the wall of Beth-shan (1 Sam. 31:10), a detail the chronicler does not record here.

Dagon. The national god of the Philistines (see on 1 Sam. 5:2).

13. Died for his transgression. This statement is not found in Samuel. It is characteristic of the writer of Chronicles, who constantly moralizes on the terrible effects of transgression and the blessings of righteousness.

Which he kept not. Saul's great sin was disobedience to the Lord's commands (see 1 Sam. 13:13).

A familiar spirit. Having failed to give heed to the Lord, Saul turned to a medium to ask guidance and counsel of demons (see on 1 Sam. 28:7-20).

14. And enquired not of the Lord. Before inquiring of the witch of Endor, Saul endeavored to secure an answer from God, but failed (1 Sam. 28:6). The Lord refused to give ear to Saul. Had Saul truly repented, coming to the Lord in meekness and penitence, God would have heard him. His turning to a medium who represented the evil one indicates clearly the depths to which Saul had fallen (see on 1 Sam. 28:6, 7).

Unto David. In these words the transition is made from the early history of the people of God to David the king. The dynasty of David will now be the subject of the remainder of Chronicles.

Ellen G. White Comments

1-14PP 681-683

1-4PP 681

5-12PP 682

13, 14 PP 683

1 Chronicles Chapter 11

1 David by a general consent is made king at Hebron. 4 He winneth the castle of Zion from the Jebusites by Joab's valour. 10 A catalogue of David's mighty men.

1. To David unto Hebron. Verses 1-9 of ch. 11 are parallel to 2 Sam. 5:1-10. The record passes rapidly over David's reign at Hebron (1 Chron. 3:4), coming immediately to his glorious reign at Jerusalem. The tribes of Israel came to David at Hebron on the occasion of Ish-bosheth's death (2 Sam. 4:5-12; 5:1).

3. By Samuel. See 1 Sam. 15:28; 16:1. God Himself directed Samuel to anoint David king to rule His people in place of Saul.

4. Jerusalem, which is Jebus. See on Judges 19:10.

5. Not come hither. The inhabitants thought the city so strong that they jeered at David, boasting that even the lame and the blind could defend it (see on 2 Sam. 5:6).

6. Joab. He already held a position of responsibility in the army when Ish-bosheth was still on the throne (2 Sam. 2:13; 3:23).

Went first up. Jerusalem was presumably captured by an ascent up the water shaft, referred to as "the gutter" (see on 2 Sam. 5:8).

7. The castle. That is, the stronghold, or fort.

8. Millo. The exact nature of this part of the fortifications of Jerusalem is not known, but it seems to have been a particularly strong place of defense, which played an important role in the fortifications of the city (see on 2 Sam. 5:9; 1 Kings 9:15; 11:27).

Rival Kingdoms of David and Ish-bosheth

David's Empire and Tributary Nations

Rival Kingdoms of Judah and Israel

At Solomon's death the northern 10 tribes seceded. The kingdom of Israel lasted 200 years, Judah some 350.

9. Lord of hosts. On the meaning of this expression, see Vol. I, p. 173.

10. The mighty men. Verses 10-47 deal with a list of the mighty men in David's kingdom. The passage is parallel to 2 Sam. 23:8-39.

11. Three hundred. See on 2 Sam. 23:8.

13. To battle. A more complete account of the incident appears in 2 Sam. 23:9-12; that is, if the writer is describing the same event.

Parcel of ground. If the parcel of ground here mentioned is that of 2 Sam. 23:11, it does not pertain to Pas-dammim, where David engaged in battle with the Philistines, but to a place not mentioned in this verse, namely, a plot of ground where Shammah had an encounter with the Philistines (see on 2 Sam. 23:11). The incompleteness of the narrative explains the absence of Shammah's name from the list. It would appear that the encounter in question resulted from Shammah's vigorous defense of a field from which the Philistines were endeavoring to carry away the crop.

14. They. The pronoun is in the singular in 2 Sam. 23:12. According to the description there the people had fled and Shammah stood alone defending the ground against the Philistines. However, he may have been attended by an armorbearer.

15. Three of the thirty. For the exploit of these men, see on 2 Sam. 23:13-17.

20. Abishai. Verses 20-25 relate the exploits of Abishai and Benaiah. Concerning this incident, see on 2 Sam. 23:18-23.

26. The valiant men. Verses 26-47, listing the valiant men of the armies, are parallel to 2 Sam. 23:24-39, though there are differences between the two lists (see on 2 Sam. 23:24-39), such as variations in spelling (see on 1 Chron. 1:42). Also 16 names are included here that do not occur in the second book of Samuel.

41. Uriah the Hittite. This name closes the list as found in Samuel (2 Sam. 23:39). The narrative concerning Uriah (2 Sam. 11) does not occur in the record as given in the book of Chronicles.

42. Adina. The 16 names listed in vs. 42-47 are not found elsewhere. These valiant men probably belonged to a later period of David's reign than those listed in 2 Sam. 23.

Ellen G. White Comments

1-3PP 697

15-19PP 736; 5T 43

1 Chronicles Chapter 12

1 The companies that came to David at Ziklag. 23 The armies that came to him at Hebron.

1. They that came. The information in this chapter is not found elsewhere in Scripture. Verses 1-22 contain a register of warriors who went over to David while he was a fugitive from Saul; and vs. 23-40 list the numbers from the various tribes who crowned David king at Hebron.

Ziklag. A city in southwestern Judah (see on 1 Sam. 27:6). At the time of Saul it was held by the Philistines. When David fled to the Philistines, Achish, the king of Gath, gave him Ziklag as a place of residence (1 Sam. 27:2-7).

2. The left. The Benjamites were famous for left-handed stone slinging (Judges 20:16).

8. Of the Gadites. Verses 8-15 list the Gadites who joined David while he was holding out in the wilderness.

The hold. The exact location of this stronghold is not known. Probably Adullam is meant (ch. 11:15, 16).

Swift as the roes. Compare 2 Sam. 2:18.

14. Captains of the host. That is, officers of the army.

Over an hundred. The verse may literally be translated, "One to an hundred the small one, and the large one to a thousand." From the literal rendering some deduce the meaning that among these heroes the least was more than a match for a hundred and the greatest was equal to a thousand. However, the context seems to favor the idea that the figures simply represent the number of men placed under the respective officers.

15. The first month. Nisan (or Abib), the first month of the religious year, is approximately our late March to late April. This month came at the close of the rainy season (see Vol. II, pp. 108, 110). These heroes did not wait till summer, when the Jordan was shallow, before venturing out on their exploits, but crossed the river at the most difficult and perilous season, when it was in full flood.

16. Benjamin and Judah. Verses 16-18 mention another group that enlisted with David.

17. Peaceably. David was suspicious concerning the intentions of these Benjamites, who belonged to Saul's tribe. He feared treachery and wished to make certain that he would not fall victim to some plot.

18. Upon Amasai. Hardened warrior though he was, Amasai could be touched by the Spirit of God. Thus moved, he expressed his deep loyalty to David and his confidence that God was with David to help and to bless.

19. Some of Manasseh. This was on the occasion of Saul's last battle (1 Sam. 29:1-11), when David accompanied the Philistines to the battle, but was dismissed before the outbreak of hostilities.

20. Captains of the thousands. They were not ordinary soldiers, but important and influential Manassite chieftains.

21. Band of the rovers. Probably the band of Amalekite raiders who had sacked Ziklag are referred to (see 1 Sam. 30:1).

22. Day by day. After Saul's defeat and death, increasing numbers turned to David as their leader.

Like the host of God. A figure denoting a large number. The actual numbers as given in vs. 23-40 are relatively small compared with the full strength of the nation, but the statement, however, is well justified by the contrast between this group and the handful of outlawed unfortunates (1 Sam. 22:1, 2) who followed David at the beginning of his exile.

24. Judah. The list of David's warriors begins with Judah, the tribe of David, and the leading tribe of David's kingdom.

25. Simeon. Simeon was a southern tribe closely related to Judah (see on Joshua 19:1).

27. The Aaronites. Aaron was the leading clan of Levi.

28. Zadok. If, as many expositors believe, this was the Zadok who was one of the high priests at the time of David (2 Sam. 8:17; 1 Kings 2:35; 4:4), his help at this time may account for his being made high priest along with Abiathar, who had previously been with David (1 Sam. 22:20-23).

29. Kindred of Saul. Benjamin, the tribe of Saul, furnished the smallest contingent of any of the tribes, which was only natural.

30. Ephraim. This is the largest number of warriors provided by any tribe thus far mentioned--more than three times the number supplied by David's own tribe, Judah.

31. Expressed by name. That is, they had their names entered on a list. For additional examples of the use of this phrase see Num. 1:17; 1 Chron. 16:41.

32. Understanding of the times. These men of Issachar were men who had wisdom to understand the meaning of current events and who were able to provide intelligent counsel (see Esther 1:13). They evidently saw that David was the man of the hour, and that it was prudent for Israel to accept him.

33. Which could keep rank. Heb. laÔador, from the verb Ôadar, which may mean "to set up a battle order," or "to gather." The LXX renders the phrase, "to help David," reading Ôazar for Ôadar. ÔAdar occurs only here and in v. 38; hence it is impossible to be certain of its exact meaning. In v. 38 it is used in connection with maÔarakah, which means "row," "rank," "battle line," and the combination of the two words may signify, "arranged in battle line."

37. An hundred and twenty thousand. This large total for the two and a half tribes east of the Jordan is indeed remarkable. That David should have so large a number of men in his army from the eastern tribes and have only 6,800 men from his own tribe of Judah may find explanation in the observation that David was already king over Judah and the 6,800 probably represent only the elements that had been disloyal hitherto.

38. Keep rank. See on v. 33.

One heart. The nation as a whole was united in its purpose that David should be king.

39. Eating and drinking. This was the coronation feast. Compare a similar coronation feast for Adonijah (1 Kings 1:9, 19, 25).

40. Unto Issachar. The three tribes mentioned were among the most distant tribes. The thought is that all Israel, from the nearest to the farthest tribes, united in furnishing provisions for the great gathering at David's coronation.

Ellen G. White Comments

1 PP 673

1 Chronicles Chapter 13

1 David fetcheth the ark with great solemnity from Kirjath-jearim. 9 Uzza being smitten, the ark is left at the house of Obed-edom.

1. David consulted. Chapter 13 deals with the transfer of the ark from Kirjath-jearim to the home of Obed-edom and is parallel to 2 Sam. 6:1-11. The sequence of the events related in Chronicles is not always the same as it is in Samuel. Thus in Samuel the account of David's encounter with the Philistines in the Valley of Rephaim (2 Sam. 5:22-25) precedes the account of the transfer of the ark (2 Sam. 6:1-11), whereas in Chronicles it follows (ch. 14:13-16).

With the captains. Before calling a general assembly of the people (v. 5), David held a consultation with the national leaders. His procedure in this matter demonstrates his gifts of leadership. The account in Samuel is not as detailed. It does not mention the preliminary council but does describe the general assembly (2 Sam. 6:1).

2. All the congregation. That is, in this instance the leading representatives of the congregation. David recognized the "captains of thousands and hundreds," "with every leader" (v. 1), as the representatives of the people, to be consulted on public matters and to give their voice in the direction of national affairs.

That are left. That is, those who are still at home, not having been summoned to the present meeting.

5. All Israel. David gathered 30,000 chosen men of all the tribes of Israel (2 Sam. 6:1).

Shihor of Egypt. In certain references (e.g., Jer. 2:18, RSV), Shihor has been taken as the Nile, but that can hardly be the case. On the other hand, the word shi-h\oµr, "pond of Horus," appears in Egyptian documents as a body of water at the eastern border of the Delta, but its exact location is not known.

The entering of Hemath. See on Num. 34:8; Joshua 13:5; 1 Kings 8:65.

6. And David went up. For the narrative of vs. 6-14, see on 2 Sam. 6:2-11.

All Israel. That is, "all the people that were with him" (2 Sam. 6:2).

Baalah. Another name for Kirjath-jearim (Joshua 15:9-11, 60; 18:14). The ark was taken to the house of Abinadab in Kirjath-jearim after its return from the Philistines (1 Sam. 6:21; 7:1, 2).

Between the cherubims. Compare 1 Sam. 4:4; 2 Sam. 6:2; Ps. 80:1; Isa. 37:16.

9. Put forth his hand. The ark was holy and symbolized the presence of God. Detailed directions had been given concerning the ark in order that those having to do with it might "live, and not die" (Num. 4:19, 20; cf. Num. 1:51; 4:15; 7:9).

10. He died. The Lord took all factors of the case into consideration. He knew that Uzza was a sinful and unholy being, with unconfessed sins resting upon him, and with little sense of the holiness of God and the seriousness of transgression. The death of this one individual would prove to be a solemn warning to many and thus be the means of preventing divine judgments that otherwise might have fallen upon thousands (see PP 706; see further on 2 Sam. 6:6).

11. David was displeased. Not understanding the purposes of the divine dealings, David allowed himself to be displeased with the course the Lord had taken. He questioned the justice of God (see PP 705, 706; see on 2 Sam. 6:8).

12. David was afraid. David was afraid because of sin in his own experience. Having witnessed the signal judgment of God upon Uzza, he feared lest some error in his own life bring divine judgments upon him as well.

13. Obed-edom. The Obed-edom of ch. 26:1-4 was a Korahite Levite, but it is not certain that he is the subject of the present narrative. "Gittite" may mean that he was a native of Gath-rimmon, a Levitical city assigned to the children of Kohath (Joshua 21:20, 24). The Kohathites had the responsibility of carrying the ark (Num. 4:15). See further on 2 Sam. 6:10.

14. The Lord blessed. While the ark remained in the home of Obed-edom, it brought blessing (see on 2 Sam. 6:11).

Ellen G. White Comments

1-14PP 704-706

1-7PP 704

8-14PP 705

1 Chronicles Chapter 14

1 Hiram's kindness to David. 2 David's felicity in people, wives, and children. 8 His two victories against the Philistines.

1. Hiram. For a full discussion of the events recorded in this chapter, see on 2 Sam. 5:11-25.

In Samuel the account of Hiram's kindness to David immediately follows the narrative of the capture of Jebus and precedes the record of the transfer of the ark from Kirjath-jearim. In Chronicles the record of the capture of Jebus is followed by a catalogue of David's mighty men, and then follows the narrative of the removal of the ark, and next the account of Hiram and his kindness to David. Thus the sequence in which events appear in the Biblical record is not always strictly chronological.

Timber of cedars. Probably, as in the case of the timbers for Solomon's Temple, these were cut in the mountains of Lebanon and floated by sea to Joppa, and thence carried to Jerusalem (see 2 Chron. 2:16).

Lifted up. The Lord blessed David, confirming the entire kingdom in his hand. The king was to reign over a united kingdom, in which his enemies were to be subdued and the cause of the Lord was to triumph. God frequently grants His servants special favor with men (Gen. 39:21; Dan. 1:9; Luke 2:52). In the friendship of Hiram, the powerful king of Tyre, David doubtless discerned a token of divine blessing.

3. Took more wives. 2 Sam. 5:13 includes concubines.

4. His children. Compare 2 Sam. 5:14-16. See also 1 Chron. 3:5-9.

Nathan, and Solomon. The descent of Jesus is traced through both of these sons of David (Matt. 1:6-16; Luke 3:23-31; see on Matt. 1:6; Luke 3:23, 31).

5. Elpalet. This child is not mentioned in 2 Sam. 5:15.

6. Nogah. This name does not appear in 2 Sam. 5:15.

8. Philistines. Compare 2 Sam. 5:17.

11. Baal-perazim. The exact site of this victory is not known. The Valley of Rephaim lies to the southwest of Jerusalem. See further on 2 Sam. 5:20.

12. Their gods. Or "their images" (2 Sam. 5:21). The Philistines had brought the images of their gods with them to the battle, hoping thus to assure victory.

13. Yet again. Once more, near the beginning of David's reign over all Israel, the Philistines came up against Jerusalem determined to humble her new and successful monarch.

15. Sound of going. Or "sound of marching" (see on 2 Sam. 5:24).

16. From Gibeon. Gibeon was about 6 mi. northwest of Jerusalem, directly in the path of retreat (see on 2 Sam. 5:25).

Gazer. Or Gezer. This was a fortress overlooking the Valley of Aijalon, about 18 mi. northwest of Jerusalem, which the Pharaoh of Egypt later captured and presented as a gift to his daughter, the wife of Solomon (1 Kings 9:15-17).

17. Fame of David. This verse is not found in the parallel record in Samuel. It is a reflection on the fame of David and on the source of Judah's victories. It was God who gave to David his success, and it was the Lord who exalted him in the eyes of those who had sought to bring him low.

Ellen G. White Comments

1-17PP 703, 704

1, 2, 8 PP 703

9-17PP 704

1 Chronicles Chapter 15

1 David, having prepared a place for the ark, ordereth the priests and Levites to bring it from Obed-edom. 25 He performeth the solemnity thereof with great joy. 29 Michal despiseth him.

1. David made. The record resumes the thread of the narrative dropped at ch. 13:14, and continues the account of the removal of the ark from the house of Obed-edom to Jerusalem. The narrative of the transfer of the ark (chs. 15 and 16) is more detailed than is the account in Samuel (2 Sam. 6:12-20).

Houses. This probably refers to a general building up of the city of Jerusalem, with special reference to buildings required for the administration of the country from Jerusalem as the capital. The little Jebusite town captured by David would be inadequate for the purposes it was henceforth to serve, and David's first few years in the city were marked by extensive building activity.

City of David. The "castle of Zion" (ch. 11:5, 7), in the southeastern section of the later city of Jerusalem.

A place for the ark. Compare 2 Sam. 6:17.

Tent. Heb. 'ohel, translated "tabernacle" (2 Sam. 6:17). There was another tabernacle at Gibeon, where the altar was and where sacrifices were offered (1 Kings 3:4; 1 Chron. 16:39, 40). The tabernacle at Gibeon was the famous tabernacle that Moses had made in the wilderness (2 Chron. 1:3).

2. Carry the ark. For the Mosaic instructions concerning the moving of the ark, see Num. 4:5-15. The carrying of the ark was only one of the duties of the Levites (Deut. 10:8), and this duty was assigned to the Kohathite branch (Num. 4:15). David's present enunciation of the law is an acknowledgment that it had not been observed in the previous effort to transfer the ark three months before (see 1 Chron. 13:7-10; 15:12, 13). The account in Samuel specifically states that on this occasion the ark was carried (2 Sam. 6:13).

4. Children of Aaron. That is, the sons of Aaron, the priests.

The Levites. The divisions of the Levites are listed in vs. 5-10.

5. The sons of Kohath. Kohath is listed second among the sons of Levi (Gen. 46:11; Ex. 6:16; 1 Chron. 6:1, 16). This was the line to which Aaron himself belonged (1 Chron. 6:2, 3). The Kohathites had special supervision over the ark and the articles of furniture in the holy place (Num. 3:30, 31). They alone were to carry the ark (Num. 4:15).

8. Elizaphan. The son of Uzziel, one of the sons of Kohath (Ex. 6:18, 22).

9. Hebron. Hebron and Uzziel (v. 10) were sons of Kohath (Ex. 6:18; 1 Chron. 6:2).

11. Zadok and Abiathar the priests. Zadok may have been high priest during the later years of Saul, after Ahimelech had been slain in the slaughter of the priests of Nob and his sole surviving heir, Abiathar, became a fugitive with David, being thus cut off from contact with the tabernacle (1 Sam. 22:9-23). If Zadok was Saul's high priest (and if he was the Zadok of 1 Chron. 12:28, although not there described as a priest), that could account for his serving during David's reign as joint high priest with Abiathar. In that case his serving at the tabernacle in Gibeon (1 Chron. 16:39) may have been a continuation of his former office. See further on 2 Sam. 8:17.

12. Chief of the fathers. Heads of their respective houses of Levites.

Sanctify yourselves. Before engaging in the solemn work of carrying the ark they were to cleanse themselves of all defilement. Now that another attempt was to be made to transfer the ark, David wished to make sure that every requirement of God should be strictly adhered to.

13. Did it not. In the first attempt to transfer the ark from Kirjath-jearim the requirements of the Lord were not followed, and Uzza met instant death for his folly in touching the ark (ch. 13:7-10).

Made a breach. Literally, "broke forth." This refers to the death of Uzza (ch. 13:11). See Ex. 19:22, 24, where the same expression is used.

After the due order. In the previous attempt to transfer the ark they had placed it upon a cart (ch. 13:7) instead of carrying it on the shoulders of the sons of Kohath as the Lord had specifically ordained (Num. 4:15).

15. Levites bare the ark. This statement describes how the ark was carried and anticipates the statement later in the narrative (vs. 25, 26) setting forth the fact that the ark was being transferred.

With the staves. Compare Ex. 25:14.

As Moses commanded. See Ex. 25:13-15; Num. 1:50; 4:15; 7:9.

16. Singers with instruments. Vocal and instrumental music formed an important part in the religious services of the Hebrews. This was true in the period of the Exodus (Ex. 15:1, 20, 21), during the judges period (Judges 5:1-3; 1 Sam. 10:5), and in the days of David (1 Chron. 13:8). Musicians were now carefully trained and set apart for the part they were to perform in the religious services (see 1 Chron. 6:31; 23:5; 25:1-31; 2 Chron. 29:25-30; 35:15).

17. Heman. Heman, Asaph, and Ethan are named among the singers who were "set over the service of song in the house of the Lord" (ch. 6:31, 33, 39, 44).

18. Second degree. That is, musicians of the second order (see ch. 16:5).

Ben. A transliteration of the Hebrew word for "son." It is missing in several Hebrew manuscripts, and the LXX does not account for it in its translation. Some think that "Bani" (ch. 6:46) is intended.

19. Appointed to sound. The leaders probably employed these cymbals to lead out in the marking of time.

20. Alamoth. See Introduction to the book of Psalms.

21. Sheminith. Literally, "eighth." The exact meaning of this musical term is not known. Some have thought it refers to the octave, or to an eight-stringed instrument. However, most scholars now regard it as a melody or a style of singing. The word appears in the superscription of Ps. 6 and 12.

To excel. Heb. lenas\s\each, meaning unknown.

22. Song. Heb. masŒsŒa', "a lifting," "a bearing." It may refer to the uplifting of the voice in song, although some think that the chronicler here refers to the bearing of the ark.

23. Doorkeepers. Warders for the ark, so that no unauthorized person might approach it.

24. Blow with the trumpets. The seven priests here named marched before the ark, each blowing his trumpet, as stated in Joshua 6:4.

25. David, and the elders. The narrative of the moving of the ark now begins. The preceding verses describe the order of the procession and the arrangements.

26. God helped the Levites. This clause does not appear in 2 Sam. 6:13. However, there the following statement is made, "when they that bare the ark of the Lord had gone six paces." The death of Uzza had no doubt raised the fear that the Lord might again be displeased when another attempt was made to move the ark. So at first it was moved only six paces, and when no evidence of the Lord's displeasure appeared, sacrifices were offered expressing their thanksgiving to God that His presence had been with them and had helped them.

27. A robe of fine linen. David put aside his kingly robe for this solemn occasion and wore a linen robe of the type worn by the priests and others (2 Chron. 5:12). He did this, not to indicate that he had assumed priestly prerogatives, but presumably to show that he was here taking his place on a level with his subjects in their service of the Lord.

The Levites. The Levites and singers as well as David the king wore linen robes for this occasion.

Ephod. A short, sleeveless garment such as was usually worn by the priests and others (see on 1 Sam. 2:18; 2 Sam. 6:14). The parallel verse (2 Sam. 6:14) makes no mention of David's wearing a robe, but it does mention David's dancing in the ephod, a detail not noted by the chronicler. It would be natural to take off an outer robe for strenuous activity.

28. All Israel. Representatives of all Israel were present for the occasion. Their presence meant the approval of all the tribes of the transfer of the ark to its new home in Jerusalem.

29. City of David. The entry of the ark into the City of David was a joyous and solemn occasion. God planned that Jerusalem should become the metropolis of all the earth, the center of religious instruction for the nation. If Israel had continued faithful to God, Jerusalem would have remained the capital of Israel forever, and God would have continued to bless the city and its people with His presence through all time to come (see DA 577; PK 46, 564).

Dancing. David's dancing was an act of holy joy (see on 2 Sam. 6:14) then considered an appropriate form of worship.

Despised him. The sequel to this incident, in which Michal upbraided David for his actions on this occasion, is found in 2 Sam. 6:20-22.

Ellen G. White Comments

1-29PP 706-711

1-3PP 706

16 Ev 501

25, 26 PP 706

27, 28 PP 707

29 PP 711

1 Chronicles Chapter 16

1 1 David's festival sacrifice. 4 He ordereth a choir to sing thanksgiving. 7 The psalm of thanksgiving. 37 He appointeth ministers, porters, priests, and musicians, to attend continually on the ark.

2. Burnt offerings. These signified the consecration of the nation to Jehovah, and the peace offerings expressed the joy and peace that the people felt as they united in thanksgiving and praise to God for His tender mercies. For the Levitical law on burnt offerings, see Vol. I, p. 698.

3. Dealt to every one. David was a kind and generous king. He loved his people and expressed his love in deeds that brought from the people a greater love and a more complete devotion.

4. To minister. Once the ark had been brought into its tent in Jerusalem, services were instituted which later developed into the elaborate ritual of the Temple.

5. Jeiel. Spelled "Jaaziel" in ch. 15:18.

6. Continually. Heb. tamid, a word employed in connection with the daily, continuous services that were to be conducted in the sanctuary (see Ex. 25:30; 27:20; 29:38; 30:8; etc.).

7. David delivered. The psalm here recorded corresponds almost verbatim with the following passages of our present book of Psalms:

vs. 8-22=

Ps. 105:1-15

vs. 23-33=

Ps. 96

v. 34=

Ps. 107:1

vs. 35, 36=

Ps. 106:47, 48

8. Give thanks. The psalm is a hymn of praise and adoration to God.

10. Rejoice. Religion was an experience of delight and beauty to David. In his knowledge of God's goodness he found earth's greatest joy.

11. Seek his face. To seek the Lord is to be the constant, continual activity of life, bringing the seeker ever nearer to the perfection of heaven.

12. Remember. A constant remembrance of the Lord's blessings brings to the child of God an abiding sense of joy and delight. When man forgets God's manifold goodness he loses the real zest and joy of living, and his spiritual experience begins to decline.

15. His covenant. As long as human beings exist they are to be mindful of God's eternal presence and His never-ceasing blessings promised in the covenant He made with them.

16. Which he made. Compare Gen. 12:1-3; 15:5, 6, 18; 17:1-8; 22:16-18. The covenant God made with Abraham was originally made with Adam (see PP 370). It is the covenant God makes with every believer in His Son Jesus Christ, though after its ratification by the blood of Christ it is termed the "new covenant" (Heb. 8:8-13).

18. Unto thee. The land of Canaan, which God promised to His ancient people, was a pledge of the future inheritance of all the earth by the saved of all nations.

21. Suffered no man. This is a poetic generalization expressing the idea that God considers His people the object of His supreme regard. In the care exercised toward Israel He manifested His infinite love and never-failing solicitude. When man turns from God he turns away God's protecting arm, and evils that might otherwise have been averted now befall him. However, not all the evils that afflict the human family arise from this source. Because of the involvements of the great controversy between good and evil Satan is permitted to persecute the righteous so that an experience of suffering is not necessarily an evidence that the Lord has forsaken the sufferer (see Job 1 and 2; John 9:2, 3).

He reproved kings. See Gen. 12:17; 20:3; Ex. 3:20; 12:29-33.

23. All the earth. All the world receives blessings from God and is honor bound to return glory to God. As men sing praises to God they bring joy to themselves and peace and good will to the peoples of the earth. Man does the greatest injustice to himself and to the world in which he lives when he fails to raise his voice in joyous praise to God for the manifold blessings of heaven.

24. Among the heathen. When men go forth among the nations, telling the touching story of God's wonderful love, hearts will be moved and many will be won to the cause of the Lord. The world is waiting, not so much to hear the theory of truth as to see a living demonstration of the power of truth. When men really love God and go forth to the world declaring His praises among the heathen and sharing with them the story of His matchless mercy and grace, the dark corners of earth will come to resound with songs of rejoicing and glory to God.

25. Great is the Lord. No being on earth has begun to appreciate the greatness and goodness of God. The more we allow ourselves to think of the glories of the Lord, the less inclined we will be to seek our own selfish interests or to find fault with our fellow men.

26. Gods of the people. False gods are the product of man. The true God is man's Creator, the Sustainer of the world in which man lives.

27. Gladness. Every man who knows the Lord has much to be happy about. To the true child of God, religion is an experience of joy and gladness. Heaven will be a happy place, because open communion with God will result in the realization of the highest joys.

29. Bring an offering. No man who really appreciates the wonderful goodness of God will desire to come before Him with empty hands. What a man offers to God, evaluated by his abilities, is an index to the degree of his appreciation of the blessings of Heaven. Since man has so freely received, he should regard it as a happy privilege to freely give (see Matt. 10:8; 2 Cor. 9:7).

Beauty. Heb. hadarah, "adornment," "glory." True worship is a matter of beauty as well as holiness. Clad in their holy vestments, the ancient priests engaged in a service of worship that was both beautiful and impressive. But beauty of form and symbol is not an adequate demonstration of the "beauty of holiness." The term may be regarded as including a spirit of quiet reverence, inward devotion and outward piety, devout earnestness and joyous gratitude. Neither heaven nor earth can know any greater beauty than the beauty of true holiness.

30. Fear before him. That is, stand before Him in a spirit of holy reverence. Man need not come into the presence of God with a spirit of abject terror and cringing fear. God is a friend to man and not an enemy. He is the sinner's best friend. Jesus entered this world to come close to sinners and to save them from their sins (see Luke 19:10). Little children could come to Him without a trace of fear. But God is holy. He is the Lord of all heaven and earth, and thus man is ever to manifest toward Him that attitude of respect and reverence that befits His holy name. Such fear is not incompatible with love, yet it is wholly incompatible with the easy familiarity with which some people speak to and of their Maker and Redeemer.

31. The Lord reigneth. The most comforting message that can come to distraught mankind is that the Lord reigns over heaven and earth. If it were not so, there would be every reason for unrest and fear. "Amidst the strife and tumult of nations, He that sitteth above the cherubim still guides the affairs of this earth" (PK 536).

32. Fields rejoice. So wonderful is the thought of God's boundless goodness and love that even inanimate nature by figure is called upon to rejoice in the presence of its Creator and Lord. To the man whose heart is in tune with the heart of God, nature speaks a cheering message of the glory of God, a message that brings gladness to the soul of man. In God's earth, man and nature may rejoice together in the blessings that come from the bountiful hand of the Lord.

33. Judge the earth. The coming of the Lord as judge will be a matter of joy, for it will mark the end of earth's reign of sin and terror, the removal of the curse from the earth, and the restoration of the earth to its former Edenic beauty and bliss. To those who have made their peace with God, the coming of heaven's righteous Judge will mark the joyous consummation of all their hopes, the time toward which every patriarch and saint has looked for the realization of his fondest dreams. The world today stands in desperate need of the coming of the righteous Judge. Every injustice and oppression, every cruelty and every wrong, every aching heart and sin-sick soul, calls for the coming of God to judge the earth and to restore justice, honor, peace, and hope to the children of men. Compare Rev. 6:10.

34. His mercy endureth. As God is eternal, so also are His mercy, love, and long-suffering.

36. Amen. In this united cry of the people at the close of David's psalm, we have at least an outward assent of all that had been said. The hearts of king and people vocally united in praise and thanksgiving to Heaven. In their fervent "Amen" the people reiterated their acceptance of the provisions of God's eternal covenant. Once more they bore record to a desire to be the people of God.

37. Continually. The ministry of the priests in the sanctuary was a daily, continual service that was to go on without break or interruption--a type of the continual ministry of Jesus in heaven in behalf of His people.

38. Their brethren. The LXX, the Syriac, and the Vulgate read, "his brethren."

39. At Gibeon. The narrative now turns from the tent in Jerusalem with the ark of the covenant, to the Mosaic tabernacle at Gibeon. The altar of burnt offering (ch. 21:29), together with everything pertaining to the tabernacle except the ark, was kept at Gibeon. The removal of the ark to its new abode in Jerusalem marked the first step toward the establishment of a new national sanctuary. For the time being the priesthood of Zadok at Israel's ancient sanctuary continued at Gibeon. See on 1 Kings 3:4; 2 Chron. 1:3-6.

41. To give thanks. A distinctive part of the liturgical formula (see 1 Chron. 16:34; 136:1-3, 26).

Ellen G. White Comments

1-3PP 708

10 ML 157

22 3T 94; 4T 229

35 PK 202

36 5T 318

1 Chronicles Chapter 17

1 Nathan first approving the purpose of David, to build God an house, 3 after by the word of God forbiddeth him. 11 He promiseth him blessings and benefits in his seed. 16 David's prayer and thanksgiving.

1. Said to Nathan. This chapter is almost an exact duplicate of 2 Sam. 7. See also the comments on that chapter.

Sitting in the palace he had built for himself, David began to realize how inappropriate it was that the services of God should be conducted in a tent. It was his plan that Jerusalem should be the center of worship for the entire nation. Moses had given instruction that there should be one central place of worship (Deut. 12:13, 14). This instruction David now planned to put into effect by building a beautiful temple that would provide due honor to the great God of heaven.

Under curtains. That is, in a tent.

2. Do all. Nathan was a prophet, but he was here evidently expressing his own opinion. The counsel he gave to David was in accord with his own judgment; he did not present it as based upon a revelation from God. See further on 2 Sam. 7:3.

4. Thou shalt not build. This instruction differed from the counsel Nathan had previously given, but his earlier remark was not the revealed purpose of Heaven. The record in Samuel presents the message in the form of a question, "Shalt thou build me an house for me to dwell in?" (2 Sam. 7:5), with the question implying a negation.

5. Since the day. On the basis of Solomon's fourth year being the 480th year from the Exodus (see on 1 Kings 6:1), it was now nearly 450 years since Israel had left Egypt. The implication of the statement is that inasmuch as during that time the sanctuary had been repeatedly moved from place to place, for a time longer it might continue to be used as the center of worship until arrangements could be made that would be more in line with the purposes of God.

From tent to tent. Compare 2 Sam. 7:6. This reading must not be taken to imply that the ark was housed in various tents but rather that the tabernacle itself, in which the ark was kept, had been moved from place to place.

6. Judges. The record in Samuel reads "tribes" (see on 2 Sam. 7:7). There is no material difference, since the hypothetical command would have been given to the tribes through the judges. The thought is simply that God had not in the past revealed His will in regard to this matter to anyone, anywhere in Israel.

7. Sheepcote. Heb. naweh, "an abode." The abode may be either of shepherds, or flocks, or poetically naweh may describe any habitation. David's humble abode or the abode of David's flocks is here referred to.

8. Made thee a name. See on 2 Sam. 7:9.

9. Ordain a place. Up to this time Israel had experienced many difficulties in their settlement in Palestine, and not all had yet settled down to established abodes in permanent centers. Tribal boundaries continued to fluctuate, and the inroads of enemies made their extent uncertain. Some of the cities originally assigned to Israel were held by Canaanites in Solomon's day (see on 1 Kings 9:16).

Moved no more. This promise was conditional (see on v. 12).

10. I will subdue. This personal promise to David involved also his house and all who would throw in their lot on the side of the Lord. It implied that ultimate defeat would be the inevitable fate of the enemies of righteousness. This promise, like the one in v. 9, was conditional upon continued cooperation with the divine plan.

An house. Although the northern kingdom had many dynasties, in Judah the royal line of David continued throughout the history of the kingdom.

12. He shall build. Solomon fulfilled this prediction when he erected the Temple to be the symbolic earthly dwelling place of God (see 1 Kings 8:20, 44; 9:1, 3).

For ever. This promise was conditional on obedience (ch. 28:6, 7). Because of human failure the promise will ultimately be fulfilled only through Christ and the church (see Luke 1:32, 33; see on 2 Sam. 7:13).

13. His father. See on 2 Sam. 7:14.

15. Vision. The message of Nathan on this occasion was a distinct revelation from God, given him in vision (see v. 3).

16. Sat before the Lord. Earlier David had been in his own house (v. 1), where Nathan delivered to him the message from God that he had received in a vision. Verses 16-27 record the prayer of David on this occasion. This prayer is also found in Samuel (see on 2 Sam. 7:18-29).

Who am I, O Lord? Although king, David continued to be meek and humble of heart. He considered himself unworthy of the great honor God had bestowed upon him.

17. A great while. David seemed impressed most by the promise that his throne was to be established forever.

18. Speak more. What could David say more to glorify God, in view of the unparalleled honor God had shown to His servant? David was overwhelmed by the high honor God had shown to him, and words failed him to express the feelings of gratefulness that welled up within his heart.

19. For thy servant's sake. Compare 2 Chron. 6:42; Ps. 132:10.

20. Beside thee. In all the universe there is only one God, and He is the Creator and Sustainer of all. Man makes his greatest mistake and displays his greatest folly when he sets before him so-called gods who are no gods. Only by a recognition of the true God will man obtain fullness of joy and completeness of peace.

21. Redeemed out of Egypt. Satan tried to crush the people of the Lord in Egypt and to claim them as his. But God redeemed them, demonstrating His wonderful power over all the wiles of the enemy, and bringing His chosen ones out with a mighty hand, to establish them in a land He had promised them as their inheritance. The hearts of devout Israelites welled up with praise and joy when they allowed themselves to think of the wonderful mercy and power displayed by God when He brought His people out of Egypt and established them in the Promised Land.

22. Thine own people. Compare 2 Sam. 7:24. It was a thought of constant comfort and cheer to the true Israelite to know that he belonged to God's people--a people chosen, protected, and redeemed by Him. However, the same knowledge lulled many into a false security by causing them to ignore two facts: (1) that this status of "chosen people" was also conditional on obedience (Ex. 19:5, 6); and (2) that true Israel included not merely the Hebrews, but people gathered from the ends of the earth, "every one that is called by my name" (Isa. 43:1-7, 21; cf. Gen. 12:3; 18:18; 22:18; 26:4).

24. Magnified. The thought is, "Let not only thy promise stand firm, but let thy name be established and magnified forever." David was interested not only in having his own name and throne established, but in having the name of God glorified and His throne established forever. Man's interests are wrapped up with God's interests. God gave to David his throne and brought honor to him. To every nation and individual God has assigned a place in His great plan. All by their own choice are deciding their destiny.

25. Hast told. If God had not Himself promised to establish David's name and throne forever, David's prayer would have been bold, presumptuous, and arrogant. The king's prayer was an expression, not of his own will, but of God's. Thus he was only praying that God's will be done.

26. Thou art God. The record of this prayer in Samuel adds, "and thy words be true" (2 Sam. 7:28). David had every assurance that God's words were sure. He prayed that God might establish His word, not because he feared that God would go back on His promise, but from a sense of deep humility and unworthiness, and because his whole heart's desire was wrapped up with God's desire. At the same time he was fully aware of the possibility of human failure. But as God wished it, so he desired it to be and so he prayed that it might be.

Ellen G. White Comments

1-17PP 711, 712

1-4PP 711

9-14, 16, 17 PP 712

1 Chronicles Chapter 18

1 David subdueth the Philistines and the Moabites. 3 He smiteth Hadarezer and the Syrians. 9 Tou sendeth Hadoram with presents to bless David. 11 The presents and the spoil David dedicateth to God. 13 He putteth garrisons in Edom. 14 David's officers.

1. After this. Verses 1-13 deal with the conquests of David. See also on 2 Sam. 8:1-14 The words "after this" do not necessarily indicate that the events about to be narrated all followed in chronological sequence after the events previously given. The order in which events are found recorded in the Bible is not always exactly that in which they took place. Both 2 Sam. 8 and 1 Chron. 18 seem to incorporate a discussion of the various conquests of David, beginning with Philistia and Moab, but also enumerate the spoils and tribute won from several Syrian states that were subjugated in the war that began at the death of Nahash of Ammon (see 1 Chron. 19).

Gath. The record in Samuel has, "Metheg-ammah," which some interpret as meaning, "bridle of the mother city" (see on 2 Sam. 8:1). According to this interpretation David took control of the mother city, the metropolis, of the Philistines, which, according to the record in Chronicles, was Gath.

2. Smote Moab. Compare 2 Sam. 8:2.

3. Hadarezer. See on 2 Sam. 8:3 for the correct spelling and derivation of the name.

Zobah unto Hamath. Rather, Zobah toward Hamath. Zobah was an Aramaean kingdom west of the Euphrates, north of Damascus, and south of Hammath. It flourished in the days of Saul, David, and Solomon (see 1 Sam. 14:47; 2 Sam. 8:3; 2 Chron. 8:3).

To stablish his dominion. "To recover his border" (see on 2 Sam. 8:3).

Euphrates. The statement here is evidence that David exercised a measure of "dominion" as far as the Euphrates. This is further substantiated by the fact that among the defeated Syrian allies were Aramaeans from east of the Euphrates (see on ch. 19:16, 19).

4. Seven thousand horsemen. The parallel passage reads "seven hundred horsemen" (2 Sam. 8:4). The LXX reads 7,000 in both instances (see pp. 122, 123).

Houghed. That is, hamstrung. The practice was to cut the sinews of the hind legs so as to disable the horses (see Joshua 11:6-9).

6. Garrisons. The word for "garrisons" is not present in the Hebrew text of Chronicles but is found in 2 Sam. 8:6, as well as in the LXX, Syriac, and Targums of the Chronicles text.

David's Wars With Ammon and Syria

After subduing several nations, David sent Joab against the Ammonites because of insult to envoys. Ammon summoned help from several districts of Syria.

8. Brass. Properly copper or bronze (see on 1 Kings 7:47). The metal was very common in ancient times throughout Western Asia.

This chapter, like its counterpart, 2 Sam. 8, seems concerned less with describing the conquests than with recounting the spoils and tribute that David won and put aside for the future temple (see on v. 11).

The brasen sea. See 1 Kings 7:15-26, 45; 2 Chron. 4:2-5, 10, 15, 18.

10. Hadoram. Or Joram (2 Sam. 8:10).

11. David dedicated. This verse sums up the sources of the riches that David set aside for the Temple. His conquests seem to be summarized here for this purpose, and nations are mentioned whose conquest is not reported till ch. 19.

12. Edomites. In Samuel this verse reads: "David gat him a name when he returned from smiting of the Syrians in the valley of salt, being eighteen thousand men" (2 Sam. 8:13). The probabilities are that while David was engaged in the north against the Syrians, Edom took advantage of the situation and invaded Judah, whereupon a column was sent against Edom under Abishai, who slew 18,000 of the Edomites (see on 2 Sam. 8:12). According to both Samuel and Chronicles this incident took place in the "valley of salt." A valley so named was located in Edom (2 Kings 14:7; 2 Chron. 25:11).

13. In Edom. "Throughout all Edom" (2 Sam. 8:14). It is thus evident that the entire country of Edom was placed under Israelite control. In view of the wild nature of much of the terrain, permanent garrisons were needed throughout the land to keep the situation in hand.

14. David reigned. Verses 14-17 deal with David's internal administration.

Executed judgment. David acted in the capacity of chief justice of the land (see 2 Sam. 15:2-4).

15. Zeruiah. The sister of David (1 Chron. 2:16). Joab was thus a nephew of David.

16. Zadok. For Zadok, of the line of Eleazar (ch. 6:4-8), see on 2 Sam. 8:17.

Abimelech. This should be spelled Ahimelech as in 2 Sam. 8:17. An Ahimelech is mentioned both as the father of Abiathar (1 Sam. 22:20) and as the son (1 Chron. 24:6). Elsewhere Zadok and Abiathar are named as the priests (see 2 Sam. 15:29, 35). On the harmony of these statements see on 2 Sam. 8:17.

17. Cherethites and the Pelethites. These foreigners formed the royal bodyguard (see on 2 Sam. 15:18).

Ellen G. White Comments

1-3, 14 PP 713

1 Chronicles Chapter 19

1 David's messengers, sent to comfort Hanun the son of Nahash, are villanously entreated. 6 The Ammonites, strengthened by the Syrians, are overcome by Joab and Abishai. 16 Shophach, making a new supply of the Syrians, is slain by David.

1. It came to pass. Chapter 19 is parallel to 2 Sam. 10. In Samuel a chapter dealing with David's kindness to Mephibosheth, the grandson of Saul (2 Sam. 9), is found after the record of David's smiting of his enemies (2 Sam. 8). The record of this kindness does not appear anywhere in Chronicles. The present chapter deals with a great coalition of nations that united against David after his kingdom had enjoyed a period of peace.

After this. This same phrase is used in ch. 18:1, and does not necessarily indicate immediate chronological sequence. It is also used in 2 Sam. 10:1, where the event it follows is David's kindness to Mephibosheth, whereas here it follows the summary of David's struggles against his enemies. This chapter seems to relate the origin and development of the coalition against David that involved him in wars from Edom to the Euphrates, and that ended in the victories and acquisitions mentioned in ch. 18 (see on ch. 18:11).

4. And shaved them. "One half of their beards" (2 Sam. 10:4).

6. Chariots and horsemen. It was a common practice in the ancient Orient to hire troops (2 Kings 7:6; 2 Chron. 25:6). In this instance the kings of Syria readily responded to the call of Ammon, because they were anxious to curb the rising power of Israel.

Mesopotamia. Heb. 'Aram naharayim, literally, "Aram of the two rivers." This was the region of Padan-aram (see on Gen. 24:10). The parallel passage has Beth-rehob (2 Sam. 10:6).

7. Thirty and two thousand chariots. The numbers here given are in agreement with those of Samuel, which lists 20,000 Syrian footmen and 12,000 men of Tob, a total of 32,000, together with 1,000 men of Maacah (see on 2 Sam. 10:6).

Medeba. A city about 6 mi. south of Heshbon and 12 mi. east of the Dead Sea.

9. The kings. Zobah, Rehob, Tob, and Maacah (see on 2 Sam. 10:6, 8).

In the field. That is, in the open country or plain of Medeba (see Joshua 13:9, 16), where there was room for chariot and cavalry maneuvers.

10. Against the Syrians. The Syrians with their chariots and cavalry would provide the most formidable threat, so Joab himself went out against them with the picked men of Israel.

12. I will help thee. The two brothers had agreed between themselves that whichever found himself worsted before the enemy would receive the help of the other.

13. Be of good courage. The word of courage is often the source of strength and the secret of victory.

Behave ourselves valiantly. "Play the men" (2 Sam. 10:12). Each before the other was setting forth his determination to do his utmost that victory might be assured. When men face the problems of life with such a spirit, success is far more likely, whatever the odds against them.

For our people. The men of Israel were fighting not only for themselves but for their people and for their God. That put infinitely greater spirit into the struggle in which they were engaged. Israel was fighting for its existence and the honor of Jehovah.

Let the Lord do. The battle in which Israel was engaged was not only man's but God's. It was therefore proper that the pious wish be expressed that God would manifest Himself, and that He would cause His own will to prevail. The spirit behind the prayer was, "Thy will be done" (see Matt. 26:39). God's will was that Israel should be established in the land He had promised them.

14. They fled before him. Not all the chariots of Syria were a match for the hosts of Israel, for what Israel lacked in numbers they made up in valor, and what they lacked in chariots and horses was more than made up by the presence of God.

16. When the Syrians saw. When the proud Syrians realized that they had been defeated by the armies of Israel, they were greatly chagrined and determined to wipe out their shame by another test of arms.

Beyond the river. The Euphrates. There was a tremendous gathering of Aramaean peoples, including not only those in northern Syria west of the Euphrates, but some from east of the river. With such a formidable army the Syrians must have felt reasonably certain of victory.

Hadarezer. This was Hadadezer, the king previously mentioned in ch. 18:3 as king of Zobah, and the struggle there mentioned is probably connected with this summoning of allies from across the Euphrates.

Went before them. According to 2 Sam. 10:16 the Syrians "came to Helam." Helam is possibly to be identified with ÔAlma in the district of Hauran, east of Galilee.

17. David. Obviously because of the threat of the present danger David himself took the field and led his armies across the Jordan to meet the combined hosts of the Syrians and Ammonites.

18. Seven thousand. In 2 Sam. 10:18 the number is given as 700. It is impossible to determine which number is correct. The LXX and the Hebrew agree.

Forty thousand footmen. David gained a tremendous victory. The number of those slain in this engagement was larger than the total forces of the Syrian allies in the previous engagement.

19. Became his servants. This is probably the victory by which David extended his power to the Euphrates (ch. 18:3). The formidable alliance against him had threatened his kingdom with utter destruction. But with the help of the Lord he gained a victory that raised his kingdom to unprecedented greatness. This does not mean that the territory of Israel proper extended to the Euphrates (see The Empire of David and Solomon), but that David's sphere of influence extended to this region.

Ellen G. White Comments

1-19PP 714, 715

1-5PP 714

6, 7, 13-15PP 715

1 Chronicles Chapter 20

1 Rabbah is besieged by Joab, spoiled by David, and the people thereof tortured. 4 Three giants are slain in three several overthrows of the Philistines.

1. Came to pass. Chapter 20 deals with the completion of the Ammonite campaign (vs. 1-3), and with exploits of certain Israelite heroes against Philistine giants (vs. 4-8). For the parallel account, see on 2 Sam. 11:1; 12:26, 30, 31; 21:18-22.

After the year was expired. Literally, "at the time of the return of the year." This was the spring of the year. It was at that season that armies regularly went forth to battle. The rainy winter season was not suitable for military operations. But with spring the rains ceased and the harvests ripened, providing invading armies with food. Assyrian records show that it was a regular practice for armies to go forth on their campaigns in the month of Nisan. Nisan was the first month of the Assyrian and Babylonian year, the first month of the Hebrew religious year (see Ex. 12:2; Deut. 16:1 [called Abib]; Esther 3:7), and probably the first month of the civil year in the northern nation of Israel after the disruption. Judah began its civil year with Tishri (the 7th month), in the autumn. On the two beginnings of the year, see Vol. II, pp. 109-111, 116.

Tarried at Jerusalem. In Samuel the account continues from this point with the narrative of David's adultery with Bathsheba, the wife of Uriah the Hittite (2 Sam. 11:2-27).

Joab smote Rabbah. At the climax of the siege Joab called for David to come and effect the final capture (see on 2 Sam. 12:27-29).

2. A talent of gold. A talent is about 75 lb. avoirdupois. It is difficult to imagine anyone's wearing a crown of such weight. If it was the crown and not, as some think, a precious stone, that was "worn" on this occasion, some means of support must have been provided to help carry this unusual weight (see on 2 Sam. 12:30).

3. Cut them with saws. This expression varies by only one letter in the consonantal Hebrew from the reading in Samuel, which says "put them under saws"; that is, David put the Ammonites under forced labor with these implements (see on 2 Sam. 12:31).

4. Gezer. See on 1 Chron. 14:16.

Sibbechai. See on 2 Sam. 21:18, which places this battle with the Philistines at Gob, evidently an unidentified place near Gezer. Sibbechai was one of the valiant commanders of David's army (1 Chron. 11:29; 27:11).

Sippai. Or, "Saph" (2 Sam. 21:18).

5. War again. According to 2 Sam. 21:19 the site of the new war was again Gob (see on 1 Chron. 20:4).

Jair. Or, "Jaare-oregim, a Beth-lehemite" (2 Sam. 21:19).

Goliath. The warrior over whom David as a mere youth had gained his great victory (1 Sam. 17:4). Gath was the home of men of great stature (1 Chron. 20:6, 8).

6. Whose fingers. The Hebrew text here is shorter than in 2 Sam. 21:20. The clause describing the digits of the giant reads literally, "And his fingers [the Hebrew word for "fingers" is used also to designate the toes] six and six--twenty and four."

1 Chronicles Chapter 21

1 David, tempted by Satan, forceth Joab to number the people. 5 The number of the people being brought, David repenteth of it. 9 David having three plagues propounded by Gad chooseth the pestilence. 14 After the death of seventy thousand, David by repentance preventeth the destruction of Jerusalem. 18 David, by Gad's direction, purchaseth Ornan's threshingfloor: where having built an altar, God giveth a sign of his favour by fire, and stayeth the plague. 28 David sacrificeth there, being restrained from Gibeon by fear of the angel.

1. Satan stood up. Chapter 21 deals with David's census of Israel and with the Lord's displeasure and the plague that fell upon Israel in consequence. See also on 2 Sam. 24, the parallel passage.

Against Israel. The Bible reveals the purposes of God and exposes the wiles of the enemy. Satan is constantly at war against the kingdom of heaven and is doing his utmost to thwart God's purposes and to bring confusion and distress into the ranks of God's people. God had wonderfully blessed David and brought great prosperity to Israel. But Satan endeavored to make it appear that David's success was due to his own prowess and the military strength of the nation, and was endeavoring to cause David more and more to rely upon human resources rather than the blessing of Heaven.

Provoked David. Satan is here represented as the one who provoked David to number Israel. In 2 Sam. 24:1, the parallel account, the observation is made, "The anger of the Lord was kindled against Israel, and he moved David against them to say, Go, number Israel and Judah." God is frequently said to do that which He does not prevent. Filled with thoughts of pride and self-sufficiency, David was led by the evil one to take this census in Israel. God did not interpose, but permitted David's corrupt motive to be translated into action. When the Lord allows the course of evil to take its way, it is often set forth as if this were by the active intervention of God, although it is actually the force of evil that is at work producing its baneful results (see Rom. 1:18, 24, 26, 28; PP 728, 739).

To number Israel. The census to be taken of Israel was for military purposes, a form of registration for military service. The number sought was not the whole population, but the fighting strength of the nation (v. 5). By increasing his military might David thought to increase still further the power and prestige of Israel. By doing this, however, he was causing the nations round about to think that Israel's strength lay in its powerful army and not in God (see PP 747).

2. David said to Joab. David's proposed census caused great unrest in the nation. The people were not in agreement with the plan to extend the military service. To keep the situation under control, David ordered the army to take charge of the census, rather than the priests or tribal leaders (see Num. 1:2-18; 26:1, 2; PP 747).

From Beer-sheba even to Dan. A phrase designating all Israel, from Beersheba at the extreme southern limit, to Dan at the extreme north.

3. Joab answered. Hardened warrior though he was, Joab saw no light in David's attempt to number Israel, and registered his protest against the plan.

Cause of trespass. In Samuel, Joab's protestation is reported thus: "Why doth my lord the king delight in this thing?" (2 Sam. 24:3). In his remonstrance with the king, Joab was endeavoring by a series of questions to cause David to see the folly of his course and the evil it would bring.

4. The king's word prevailed. Unfortunately, those in authority are not always right, but it is their word that prevails. Joab was right and David was wrong.

Throughout all Israel. The details concerning the taking of the census are not given in Chronicles. According to 2 Sam. 24:5-8, the census takers crossed the Jordan and worked north to Gilead and Dan, then across to Sidon, and south to Beersheba, and returned to Jerusalem after 9 months and 20 days.

5. Joab gave the sum. The totals given here differ somewhat from the totals in 2 Sam. 24:9. These totals are as follows:

Chronicles

Samuel

Israel

1,100,000

800,000

Judah

470,000

500,000

Total

1,570,000

1,300,000

It is possible that the figure in Chronicles of 1,100,000 includes the total of David's standing army, 288,000 men (ch. 27:1-15). In round numbers this would be 300,000 men, which, added to the 800,000 of Samuel, would make 1,100,000. The 500,000 of Samuel for Judah may also be a round number for the chronicler's more exact figure of 470,000 (see further on 2 Sam. 24:9). The number of warriors in Israel had increased considerably since the Exodus, when the total, excluding Levites, stood at 603,550 (Num. 1:46). See Introduction to Chronic

6. Counted he not. This detail is not mentioned in Samuel. According to the instruction given Moses by the Lord, the tribe of Levi was not to be included in a military census (Num. 1:47-49). Benjamin was probably omitted because that may have been the center of opposition to David's plans for a greater army; and Joab, fearful of results if a forced census were taken, may have regarded discretion as the better part of valor.

7. God was displeased. This statement is not in Samuel. Instead the following appears: "David's heart smote him after that he had numbered the people" (2 Sam. 24:10). For the cause of the displeasure see on 1 Chron. 21:1.

8. Sinned greatly. One of the admirable characteristics of David was his willingness, when convicted of wrong, to confess his guilt. Saul was not willing to pursue such a course.

Done very foolishly. Sin is never wise. It brings only evil and woe.

9. Spake unto Gad. According to 2 Sam. 24:11 the message came "when David was up in the morning." It was evidently during the night that David had suffered his severe remorse of conscience, and had confessed his sin before the Lord. The Lord heard David's prayer and sent His answer through the prophet Gad.

David's seer. The prophet Heman was also called "the king's seer" (ch. 25:5). God had previously spoken to David through Gad (1 Sam. 22:5). Gad was one of the writers who preserved an account of David's reign (1 Chron. 29:29).

10. Offer thee. This was an unusual offer that the Lord set before David. Sin invited judgment, but David was given an opportunity to choose what that judgment would be.

12. Three year's famine. See on 2 Sam. 24:13.

13. Hand of the Lord. David did not make a direct choice among the three judgments set before him. He preferred to have his case rest with God rather than with man. Since the Israelites were filled with the same spirit of pride that prompted David's military plans, the punishment was permitted to come upon them as well as upon the king (2 Sam. 24:1; PP 748).

15. Sent an angel. See 2 Sam. 24:16.

Repented. On the manner of God's repentance, see on Gen. 6:6; Ex. 32:14.

16. Saw the angel. Compare Num. 22:31, which reports Balaam's eyes being opened to see the angel of the Lord standing in the way.

Drawn sword. The same description is given of the angel who stood in the way to intercept Balaam (Num. 22:23).

17. Is it not I? David took upon himself the responsibility for the command that the people be numbered. He frankly confessed his sin, and assumed the blame for the present calamity. God heard and forgave, and the evil was stayed.

18. Threshingfloor of Ornan. This was on Mt. Moriah. Here Abraham had erected an altar for the offering up of Isaac (Gen. 22:1-14), and here the Temple was later erected by Solomon (2 Chron. 3:1). Ornan is called Araunah in 2 Sam. 24:16.

22. Grant me the place. According to the record in Samuel, Ornan asked David why he had come to him, and he received from David the reply: "To buy the threshingfloor of thee, to build an altar unto the Lord" (2 Sam. 24:21).

23. The oxen also. Ornan was willing to make every possible sacrifice on his part that the plague might be stayed.

25. Six hundred shekels of gold. According to 2 Sam. 24:24, "David bought the threshingfloor and the oxen for fifty shekels of silver." According to Gen. 23:16, 17, Abraham paid 400 shekels of silver to Ephron for the field containing the cave of Machpelah (see on Gen. 23:15). Thus it would seem that 50 shekels was too low a price for the property of Ornan. It is possible that the 50 shekels was the price of the threshing floor and the oxen, and that these were only a portion of the total purchase (see on 2 Sam. 24:24).

26. From heaven. For other occasions in which the Lord signified His presence and approbation by answering with fire see Lev. 9:24; 1 Kings 18:24, 38; 2 Chron. 7:1. The scene of the burnt offerings later became the site of the Temple built by Solomon (2 Chron. 3:1).

27. Put up his sword. The pestilence was symbolically represented by an angel with a drawn sword (v. 16), the end of the plague by the restoring of the sword to the sheath.

29. At Gibeon. Compare ch. 16:39, 40.

30. Could not go. The pestilence that had come upon the nation because of his transgression made David extremely cautious lest he again displease the Lord.

Ellen G. White Comments

1-30PP 747-749

1 PK 189

1, 3, 4, 8, 11, 12 PP 747

15-18PP 748

15 GC 19

24-26PP 748

26 PK 37

1 Chronicles Chapter 22

1 David, foreknowing the place of the temple, prepareth abundance for the building of it. 6 He instructeth Solomon in God's promises, and his duty in building the temple. 17 He chargeth the princes to assist his son.

1. Then. That is, after the events described in the previous chapter. Chapter 22 deals with matters not found elsewhere concerning David's preparations for the building of the Temple.

This is the house. When God so signally manifested His presence and His acceptance of David's offering on the altar on Ornan's threshing floor (ch. 21:26, 28), David concluded that this was the place where the Temple was to be erected and where the people were to come to offer and worship.

2. The strangers. That is, non-Israelite residents of Palestine. They were employed in various types of forced service from which the Israelites were exempted (see 1 Kings 9:20-22; 2 Chron. 8:7-9).

3. Iron. This metal was known in very ancient times in both Mesopotamia and Egypt (see on Gen. 4:22), but it was not in common use until approximately the time of David.

Brass. Rather, "bronze." Brass is properly an alloy of copper and zinc, the use of which dates from comparatively recent times. Bronze is an alloy of copper and tin. Its use was very common in the ancient Orient. Bronze plates decorated with historical scenes were employed to cover the door of a building of Shalmaneser III, and Sennacherib speaks of the doors of his palace at Nineveh being overlaid with shining bronze.

4. Cedar trees. The cedar was plentiful in the Lebanon Mts. and was famous throughout the Orient. For a description of the method in which the wood was brought from Lebanon to Jerusalem see 2 Chron. 2:16.

5. Young and tender. The thought is that Solomon lacked experience. The expression is again employed by David concerning Solomon in 1 Chron. 29:1, and a similar expression is later applied to Solomon's son Rehoboam (2 Chron. 13:7).

Throughout all countries. It was God's purpose that Jerusalem should be the capital and metropolis of the world (see DA 577). From that city streams of light should go out to all peoples of the globe. By divine inspiration the Lord revealed to David the plan of the Temple whose fame would go out to all the nations. Wherever men heard of the Temple they were to hear of God, and were to make their way to Jerusalem to worship and glorify the Lord. The Temple was to be a structure of such glory as fitly to represent the Lord of glory.

6. Charged him to build. The Temple is usually called Solomon's Temple. But basically the idea of building the Temple was his father's. It was David who, by inspiration, received the pattern of the building. It was he who initiated the task, began the work of gathering supplies, and passed on to Solomon the charge to build the house. What Solomon later did was simply to carry out the directions that had been passed on to him by his father.

7. It was in my mind. When David was old and ready to die, he delivered this address to his son (see PP 750, 751). With intense earnestness and solemnity he unfolded to Solomon the plan that was so dear to his heart (see 2 Sam. 7:1-5).

8. Came to me. Nathan conveyed the Lord's word to David that he was not to build the Temple (2 Sam. 7:4-17).

Shed blood abundantly. Nathan's message to David, as recorded in 2 Sam. 7:4-17, does not give this reason. However, Nathan made it plain that David's task was that of a soldier and that the Lord would be with David in the carrying out of that task (see 2 Sam. 7:9-11), thus implying that it was for this reason that he should not build the Temple.

9. A son shall be born. Solomon was already married and was a father before the death of David. This is clear from the fact that Solomon reigned 40 years (1 Kings 11:42), and his son Rehoboam was 41 years of age when he began to reign (1 Kings 14:21). Thus Solomon must have been born some considerable time before David's death, and, if this message came to David before the birth of Solomon, it must have come when David was not much more than halfway through his reign of 40 years.

His name. The name "Solomon" probably means "peaceable." Hebrew parents attached great significance to the names of their children. Often these names stood for traits of character that the parent desired to see developed in the child (see PK 481). Solomon also had another name, Jedidiah (2 Sam. 12:25), "beloved of Jehovah," but it was by the name Solomon that he was commonly known.

10. He shall build. The fact that God had informed David that his son Solomon should build the Temple, made a great impression upon Solomon, as is seen by his own references to the incident in later years (1 Kings 5:5; 2 Chron. 6:8-10).

12. Give thee wisdom. It was David's fervent wish and prayer that Solomon might have wisdom. This desire on the part of his father was probably one of the contributing factors influencing Solomon to choose wisdom when, in his dream, he was given the opportunity to choose whatever he wished for himself (1 Kings 3:9-12).

13. Then shalt thou prosper. Happiness, prosperity, and peace come from an observance of the laws of the Lord.

Good courage. Compare Deut. 31:6; Joshua 1:6, 7; Isa. 43:1-5; Jer. 1:8; John 14:27.

14. An hundred thousand. The amounts here given seem extraordinarily large. The weight of a talent varied, but was probably about 75 lb. avoirdupois. That would make about 3,770 tons of gold and 37,700 tons of silver. It is possible that such terms as "a hundred thousand" or "a thousand thousand" were employed to convey the idea of numbers that were very large but were not necessarily intended to be taken literally (see v. 16; see pp. 122, 123).

16. No number. This statement is an indication that the numbers in v. 14 are probably not to be regarded as absolute.

Be doing. This is good counsel when there is a task to be done. David had placed the burden of his heart upon Solomon, and now it remained for Solomon to be up and about the task that was his.

17. To help. Great as Solomon was, he was not great enough to undertake the task of building the Temple alone. If the house of God was to be built, it would require the cooperation of the princes of Israel. For this reason David invited the cooperation of the leading men throughout the land, that all might work together toward the attainment of their common end.

18. With you. The land had been conquered, and the enemies that had risen up against Israel had been subdued. God's promises to His people had been fulfilled. The Lord's presence was with them and would continue to remain with them as long as they remained faithful to Him. So why should they not join heartily in the building of the Temple as if this enterprise were their very own?

19. Seek the Lord. Compare similar counsel by other prophets (Amos 5:4, 6, 8; Zeph. 2:3). Solomon was admonished to set his heart upon one objective. As king, he would find many allurements that would tend to lead him astray. There was only one path of safety, and that was to seek the Lord with all his heart. Such searching is rewarded: "Ye shall seek me, and find me, when ye shall search for me with all your heart" (Jer. 29:13).

Arise therefore, and build. Similar words of encouragement need to be spoken to weak, perplexed, struggling congregations without a suitable house of worship. Sanctuaries of the Lord need to be built, and the only way that they will be built is for men to arise and build them. By passing on his admonition to his son, David was imparting some of his own zeal and spirit to Solomon. In many a community there could be a fitting monument to the cause of the Lord if only men would arise and build.

Ellen G. White Comments

1-5PP 750

8-10PP 712

1 Chronicles Chapter 23

1 David in his old age maketh Solomon king. 2 The number and distribution of the Levites. 7 The families of the Gershonites. 12 The sons of Kohath. 21 The sons of Merari. 24 The office of the Levites.

1. His son king. Before David died, he directed that Solomon be crowned as king (see 1 Kings 1:33-39). The record here does not go into the interesting details that prompted David to place Solomon on the throne (see 1 Kings 1).

2. Gathered together. This probably was done shortly before David's death, in connection with the arrangements being put through for the transference of the kingdom from David to Solomon "in the fortieth year of the reign of David" (see ch. 26:31).

The Levites. Chapters 23-26 discuss the organization of the priests and Levites. The present chapter presents a summary of the number and duties of the Levites.

3. Were numbered. The Levites were not numbered at the time of David's census of men of military age (ch. 21:6). But for the purpose of making arrangements for the conduct of all phases of the work of the realm a census of the Levites would be necessary.

Thirty years. Levites from the ages of 30 to 50 were to be employed in the "service of the ministry, and the service of the burden in the tabernacle of the congregation" (Num. 4:47). According to Num. 8:23-25 the Lord specifically prescribed that those who should "go in to wait upon the service of the tabernacle" should be from 25 to 50 years of age. Perhaps this latter group included those engaged in the manual services connected with the sanctuary. The former group probably consisted of those who engaged in the more sacred priestly services.

4. Officers and judges. The employment of Levites for such positions is mentioned also in 1 Chron. 26:29 and in 2 Chron. 19:8-10.

5. Porters. That is, doorkeepers. They did not all serve at one time, but took their turns.

Which I made. Not only did David sing and play upon musical instruments, but he seems also to have been an inventor of such instruments. Later in the history of Israel mention is made of those who invented "to themselves instruments of musick, like David" (Amos 6:5). After the Exile such instruments invented by David were apparently still in use (Neh. 12:36).

6. Courses. Verses 6-23 list the divisions of the Levites.

Gershon. Compare ch. 6:1.

7. Laadan. The name again appears in ch. 26:21, but elsewhere it is given as Libni (Ex. 6:17; Num. 3:18; 1 Chron. 6:17).

8. Sons of Laadan. There were two groups of the sons of Laadan, one group of three sons mentioned in this verse, and another group of three sons in v. 9 who are called "sons of Shimei." The Shimei of v. 9 is believed to be a different Shimei from the one in v. 7, for the sons listed in v. 10 seem to be the latter's.

10. Sons of Shimei. Probably the Shimei of v. 7, who was the brother of Laadan (see on v. 8).

Zina. Or, "Zizah" (v. 11).

11. Jeush and Beriah. Since these had few descendants, they were listed as one clan. Thus there were altogether 9 clans of Gershon, 6 of Laadan, and 3 of Shimei.

12. Sons of Kohath. These are listed in vs. 12-20.

13. Aaron was separated. The sons of Aaron, the priests in Israel, are not included in the present list, but are enumerated separately in ch. 24:1-19.

Most holy things. The sons of Aaron were engaged in the most sacred work of the sanctuary, namely, the burning of incense and other ministrations before Jehovah.

14. The man of God. This honorable appellation is found also in Deut. 33:1; Joshua 14:6; 2 Chron. 30:16; Ezra 3:2. The same appellation is also used concerning David (2 Chron. 8:14; Neh. 12:24, 36).

Tribe of Levi. The sons of Moses were listed as ordinary Levites and not with the priests, the sons of Aaron.

21. Mahli, and Mushi. On these sons of Merari see ch. 6:19, also Ex. 6:19 and Num. 3:33.

22. Eleazar died. His daughters married into the family of Kish, and thus his house was merged with that of Kish.

24. These were the sons. This is the subscription to the foregoing list of Levitical names.

Twenty years. According to Num. 4:3, 23, 30, 35, 43, 47, certain Levites began to serve at the age of 30, and according to Num. 8:24, 25, presumably another class of Levites began their service at the age of 25. Here, and again in 1 Chron. 23:27 and 2 Chron. 31:17, the age of 20 is mentioned. Men were enrolled for military service at the age of 20 (Num. 1:3). But in what way the Levites began their service at that age is not disclosed. Some think that some form of apprenticeship is involved. Others think that David lowered from 30 to 20 the age at which a Levite would begin his service.

25. Hath given rest. That is, rest from war (ch. 22:9). The early part of David's reign had been characterized by war, but during his latter years, after his enemies had been subdued, he had peace, and comparative peace continued during the reign of Solomon.

26. No more carry. After the building of the Temple it would no longer be necessary to move the tabernacle or its sacred furniture.

27. Last words of David. Some suppose "the last words of David" to constitute an historical work drawn up in the latter years of David's reign. This cannot be proved.

Twenty years. Compare v. 24 and 2 Chron. 31:17. Some think that David now changed the age limit to meet the new conditions.

28. To wait. Since the Temple furniture would no longer need to be carried about, the Levites would not be needed for that type of service, but they would henceforth minister in the permanent sanctuary, with the priests, but in subordinate positions.

29. Measure and size. They were to superintend the measuring of fine flour, wine, oil, etc., which were used in the offerings, since the exact quantities or proportions were frequently prescribed by law (Ex. 29:40; 30:23, 24; Lev. 6:20; 23:13; Num. 15:4-10).

30. To thank and praise. This no doubt refers to the special function of the 4,000 Levites set apart for this service (v. 5; cf. ch. 16:4).

32. Charge of the tabernacle. Moses had previously prescribed the functions of the priests and Levites (Num. 18:1-7). The law respecting the tabernacle was to be applied to the future Temple, which was constructed on a grander scale.

1 Chronicles Chapter 24

1 The divisions of the sons of Aaron by lot into four and twenty orders. 20 The Kohathites, 27 and the Merarites divided by lot.

1. The divisions. Chapter 24 describes the organization of the priests into 24 classes (vs. 1-19), and recapitulates (vs. 20-31) the Levitical classes described in ch. 23.

Nadab. The sons of Aaron are listed in the same order in 1 Chron. 6:3 and Ex. 6:23.

2. Nadab and Abihu died. They perished because of having offered "strange fire" before the Lord (Lev. 10:1, 2; Num. 3:4).

3. David distributed them. David assigned the offices with the help of two representatives of the descendants of Eleazar and Ithamar.

Ahimelech. Though here named with Zadok he is not called "the priest," but merely "the son of Abiathar" (v. 6). Abiathar had long been David's priest and counselor, and was associated in the priesthood with Zadok in the reign of David (ch. 15:11). Abiathar had recently been implicated in Adonijah's rebellion (1 Kings 1:7, 18, 19; 1 Kings 2:26, 27; see on 2 Sam. 8:17).

4. More chief men. The basis of division was according to the heads of the different families, not according to the individual members of the families.

5. One sort with another. Literally, "these with these." The purpose was to determine the question of precedence in the order of ministration (v. 19) in which the priests were to serve (see Luke 1:5, 8, 9).

Governors. The two types of governors here mentioned denoted religious functionaries of the highest order--chief priests. The terms may be practically synonymous, or the latter may denote high priests. Both houses had provided religious leaders of the first rank. Now the assignments were determined by lot in order that no preference might be shown to either side.

6. Wrote them. The list appears in vs. 7-18. There seems to be no means by which it may be determined to which of the lines individual clans belonged, whether to Eleazar or to Ithamar.

19. The orderings of them. That is, the numerical order established for their ministerial services in the house of the Lord.

Under Aaron. That is, according to the specific order that had been fixed by Aaron. Each of the 24 classes took its turn in rotation, for the carrying out of the services in the house of the Lord.

20. Rest of the sons of Levi. Verses 20-31 give a second enumeration of the Levitical classes (see ch. 23:7-23). The object of this second listing may be to designate the heads of the families at a different time. The list begins with the Kohathites, but omits the Gershonites (see ch. 23:7-11).

21. Rehabiah. Concerning his descent see ch. 23:17.

22. Shelomoth. Or, "Shelomith" (ch. 23:18).

23. Hebron. The words "Hebron" and "first" are not found in the Hebrew of this text but have evidently been supplied by the translators from ch. 23:19.

24. Michah. Or, "Micah" (ch. 23:20). The Hebrew is the same in both instances.

25. Isshiah. Or, "Jesiah" (ch. 23:20). The Hebrew is the same in both cases.

26. Beno. Literally, "his son." Some think that this clause should be connected with what follows in v. 27, and should read: "The sons of Jaaziah his son." That is, the sons of Merari belonging to Jaaziah his son, were Shoham, and Zaccur, and Ibri. Others think Beno is a variant of Bani (ch. 6:46).

28. Eleazar. See ch. 23:22.

31. Over against. Heb. leÔummah, "correspondingly to." The meaning is that they cast lots, like their brethren the priests. The Levitical houses enumerated drew lots on equal terms with the elder families, who had no advantage over them. Junior and senior branches of the Levites were treated alike.

1 Chronicles Chapter 25

1 The number and offices of the singers. 8 Their division by lot into four and twenty orders.

1. Moreover. Chapter 25 lists the 24 classes of singers. These musicians formed an important group and played a significant part in the Temple services.

Captains of the host. That is, chiefs or leaders of the service--the ones mentioned in ch. 24:6.

Separated to the service. That is, they set apart for the Temple service some of the sons of Asaph, and Heman, and Jeduthun, three classes of musicians.

Prophesy with harps. Compare 1 Sam. 10:5. The musicians in the performance of their sacred duties in public worship are described as being under the inspiration of the Spirit of God and thus said to "prophesy" (see 1 Chron. 25:3).

2. Under the hands of Asaph. That is, under the directions of Asaph.

Order of the king. David was interested in music and understood the important part that it can and should play in the services of worship. He personally interested himself in the work of the singers and players, directing in the arrangements made for the solemn services of worship (see 2 Chron. 23:18).

3. Six. Only 5 names are here listed. The list in vs. 9-31 suggests that the missing name is Shimei of v. 17 (see on v. 9). The LXX includes the name Shimei, placing it 4th in the list.

Who prophesied. See on v. 1.

5. Heman the king's seer. Among David's seers were Gad (1 Chron. 21:9), Jeduthun (2 Chron. 35:15), and Asaph (2 Chron. 29:30).

To lift up the horn. A well-known Hebrew metaphor meaning to exalt a person or to increase his power (see 1 Sam. 2:10; Ps. 89:17; 92:10). Thus the meaning here would seem to be that the Lord had exalted Heman by giving him 14 sons and 3 daughters.

6. To Asaph. The Hebrew has no preposition before "Asaph." The passage may be rendered, "and under the direction of the king were Asaph, Jeduthun, and Heman."

7. Two hundred fourscore and eight. This number is 24 x 12; thus the 24 "sons" of Asaph, Jeduthun, and Heman listed in vs. 2-4 must have been leading musicians, each of whom had associated with himself 11 other musicians. The 24 leaders may have accompanied the choirs under their direction with instrumental music.

8. They cast lots. The lots were cast to determine the order in which each of the 24 groups of musicians were to take their turn in conducting the musical services.

9. For Asaph. The order in which the names are listed suggests a definite method of distribution. An ingenious hypothesis has been worked out which assumes that there were three urns, one containing the names of the sons of Asaph, a second having the names of the sons of Jeduthun, and a third, the names of the sons of Heman. In addition to these (or instead of them), there could have been an urn with the names of the three main clans, to determine the order in which these would be chosen. The first lot fell to Asaph, and from there on each alternate name was one of the sons of Asaph till these were exhausted. The second lot fell to one of the sons of Jeduthun, and from here on each alternate name, with the exception of the sixth, was a son of Jeduthun until these were exhausted. After all the sons of Asaph had been taken, the names alternated between sons of Jeduthun and sons of Heman until the sons of Jeduthun had all been taken, which was with the 14th course. From the 15th course onward all the names are sons of Heman. Though the hypothesis sets forth a method that might have yielded the given results, there is no evidence that this was the method employed.

17. Shimei. The system explained under v. 9 suggests that this is the name missing in v. 3.

1 Chronicles Chapter 26

1 The divisions of the porters. 13 The gates assigned by lot. 20 The Levites that had charge of the treasures. 29 Officers and judges.

1. Porters. Chapter 26 deals with the 24 courses of porters or warders (vs. 1-19), the overseers of the treasures of the sanctuary (vs. 20-28), and the officials charged with "outward business over Israel," such as officers and judges (vs. 29-32).

Asaph. This is not the Asaph of ch. 25:2, who was a Gershonite (ch. 6:39-43). The Korhites, descendants of Korah, were Kohathite Levites (Ex. 6:18, 21; Num. 16:1).

4. Obed-edom. One of the doorkeepers for the ark when it was first brought to Jerusalem (chs. 15:24; 16:38). It is possible, though unproved, that he was "Obed-edom the Gittite," in whose house David deposited the ark for a time after the death of Uzza (ch. 13:13, 14).

5. For God blessed him. If, as some think, this Obed-edom was "the Gittite" (see on v. 4), then this clause alludes to the fact that "the Lord blessed the house of Obed-edom, and all that he had" (ch. 13:14). The names of his sons seem to reflect testimonials of his recognition of divine favor. The following meanings are suggested, though we cannot in every case be certain of the precise designation or shade of thought: Shemaiah, "Jehovah has heard"; Jehozabad, "Jehovah has bestowed"; Joah, "Jehovah is a brother"; Sacar, "wages"; Nethaneel, "God has given"; Ammiel, "God is a kinsman"; Issachar, "there is hire" or, perhaps, "a man of hire"; and Peulthai, "recompense of Jehovah."

7. Strong men. Or, "men of ability."

8. For strength. Or, "for ability," or, "for efficiency."

10. His father made him the chief. That is, made him "fratriarch" among his brethren, with the right to exercise authority over them. This was in addition to the rights that usually accompanied the birthright (see The Biblical Archaeologist, Vol. III, No. 1, pp. 9, 10).

13. They cast lots. Compare ch. 25:8.

Small as the great. The posts of the porters were assigned among the various families, without regard to age.

14. The lot eastward. This, the first gate mentioned, was the gate of honor, for the sanctuary faced the east.

15. House of Asuppim. Literally, "house of gatherings," or "house of stores." This lot of gatekeeper to the storehouse or treasury fell to Obed-edom and his sons.

16. The gate Shallecheth. Probably meaning "the gate of casting forth," that is, the "refuse gate." It has been thought to be the gate through which Temple sweepings were taken out (see Neh. 3:13).

Causeway of the going up. Probably the road going up from the Tyropoeon Valley to the western gate of the Temple.

17.Toward Asuppim two and two. This may mean that there were two guards on each side of the gate to the storehouse (see on v. 15).

18. Parbar. The meaning of this word is uncertain. Some think that it is a Persian word denoting "summerhouse," or a building open to the light and air. It seems to denote some form of structure at the western side of the Temple. The same word in the plural, parwarim, occurs in 2 Kings 23:11 (translated "suburbs"), where it probably denotes a structure at the eastern entrance to the Temple. In this whole account the Temple is spoken of as being already in existence, although it had not yet been built. No doubt David made the plan for the entire Temple, and went so far as to leave directions as to where the gatekeepers should be stationed when the Temple was built. It was left to Solomon to carry out these instructions.

19. Divisions. The number of gatekeepers was 24 in all: 6 on the east side, 4 on the north, 8 on the south, and 6 on the west. The total number of warders on duty at any one time was doubtless much larger than this, since there were 4,000 "porters," or doorkeepers, in all (ch. 23:5). The 24 here mentioned were evidently head warders under whom the 4,000 served.

20. Treasures of the house. These were probably the ordinary revenues and stores of the sanctuary, and would include such contributions as were legally prescribed and were regularly given together with special offerings (see Ex. 30:11-16; Lev. 27; Num. 18:16; 1 Chron. 29:7, 8).

Treasures of the dedicated things. These treasures included spoil taken in battle, which was dedicated to the Lord (vs. 26, 27).

23. Of the Amramites. This enumeration of the four great clans of Kohath (see ch. 23:12-20) constitutes a heading for the rest of the chapter, which deals with Amramites (vs. 24-28), Izharites (v. 29), and Hebronites (vs. 30-32).

24. Shebuel. This man was comptroller in chief of the Temple treasures.

Son of Gershom. An example of "son" meaning remote descendant (see on ch. 2:7).

25. His brethren. The "brethren" of Shebuel were his kindred of the family of Eliezer, son of Moses and brother of Gershom, namely, Rehabiah, Jeshaiah, etc. The object of this verse is to show the extraction of Shelomith (v. 26). This Shelomith is not to be confused with Shelomith the Gershonite (ch. 23:9) nor with Izharite (chs. 23:18; 24:22).

26. Had dedicated. Compare 2 Sam. 8:11; 1 Chron. 18:11; 2 Chron. 5:1.

27. To maintain. David evidently made provision not only for the construction of the Temple but also for its future maintenance.

28. Samuel the seer. On the occasion when Samuel became judge he gained a great victory over the Philistines (1 Sam. 7:3-13), and it was no doubt the spoils that were taken at that time that are here referred to.

Whosoever had dedicated. These words indicate that it was a general practice to make dedications to the Lord from the spoils of war (see 2 Kings 12:18).

29. Outward business. This external work of the Levites consisted of carrying responsibilities as "officers and judges." According to ch. 23:4, 6,000 Levites were set apart for these duties. Already in the days of Moses priests were assigned duties as judges (Deut. 17:9-12; 19:17; 21:5).

30. A thousand and seven hundred. Compare this figure with the 2,700 overseers east of the Jordan (v. 32). Why there should be more overseers for the two and one-half tribes in eastern Palestine than for the remaining tribes in western Palestine is not disclosed.

Business of the Lord. Evidently including such work as the collection of the tithes, the redemption money, and freewill offerings of the people. It might also have included such work as religious teaching (see 2 Chron. 17:7-9).

31. The Hebronites. The record closes with the Hebronites but with no mention of the Uzzielites (see v. 23).

The fortieth year. Compare ch. 29:27. The present regulations were made shortly before the death of David, after Solomon was already on the throne (ch. 23:1).

Jazer of Gilead. Originally a Merarite city (Joshua 21:39), whereas the Hebronites were Kohathites (1 Chron. 6:2).

32. Every matter. Religious matters connected with the Temple and secular things connected with the civil administration.

1 Chronicles Chapter 27

1 The twelve captains for every several month. 16 The princes of the twelve tribes. 23 The numbering of the people is hindered. 25 David's several officers.

1. The chief fathers. The heads of the tribal clans, that is, of the twelve tribes of Israel.

After giving an outline of the religious organization of the land (chs. 22-26), the record gives a brief account of the military and civil administration. This is done by presenting a catalogue of officers and civil administrators, setting forth such details as would give a brief picture of the civil administration as established by David. Verses 1-15 give a catalogue of the commanders of the 12 army corps, vs. 16-24 list the princes of the tribes, vs. 25-31 list the names of the 12 overseers of the royal estates, and vs. 32-34 list the names of the king's privy counselors.

Captains of thousands. Compare ch. 13:1.

That served the king. The king was, of course, commander in chief of the armies. Only with that prerogative could he function, truly, as head of the realm.

Month by month. Each month a division of 24,000 men stood at arms as a sort of national guard, ready for instant action. This constant rotation of troops made possible the drilling of a large number of men so that an adequate army of trained men would be available at any time, should an emergency arise. Since the term of service was only a month, there was no great hardship on anyone.

2. Jashobeam. According to 2 Sam. 23:8 (see 1 Chron. 11:11), Jashobeam was evidently the one "that sat in the seat, chief among the captains," of all David's mighty men. The honor of commanding the first corps to serve during the year was accorded to him.

3. Children of Perez. Perez or Pharez, was of the tribe of Judah (ch. 2:4), and of the branch from which David himself sprang (ch. 2:4-15).

The chief. This was Jashobeam (v. 2). Jashobeam, however, was not David's leading general. That post belonged to Joab, a son of David's sister Zeruiah (chs. 2:16; 11:6; 20:1).

4. Dodai an Ahohite. Perhaps "Eleazar the son of Dodo, the Ahohite" (ch. 11:12), is meant.

5. Benaiah. Compare ch. 11:22.

Jehoiada. Compare ch. 12:27.

6. Among the thirty. Compare ch. 11:25.

7. Asahel. Asahel was slain by Abner before David began his reign over the united kingdom (2 Sam. 2:18-23), and he therefore could not have been alive late in the reign of David to fill the position here assigned him. Actually Zebadiah, the son of Asahel, commanded the fourth army corps, and Asahel (see 1 Chron. 11:26) may be mentioned by way of honor to his memory. It is also possible that these army corps had been built around smaller nuclei of units dating from David's earlier days, and that Zebadiah had taken over his father's old command.

8. Shamhuth the Izrahite. Compare 1 Chron. 11:27; 2 Sam. 23:25.

9. The sixth. For the names given in vs. 9-15, compare ch. 11:28-31.

15. Heldai. Or, "Heled" (ch. 11:30).

16. Over the tribes. Verses 16-24 list the princes of the 12 tribes. This listing may have to do with the taking of the national census (vs. 23, 24). When the census was taken in the wilderness, the Lord commanded that a representative of each tribe was to work with Aaron in the taking of the census, every one to be a "head of the house of his fathers" (Num. 1:4). David also employed princes from the tribes. However, the number of princes here is 13. Although Gad and Asher are not listed here, there were two princes for the separate half tribes of Manasseh, one for Levi, together with Zadok for the house of Aaron (v. 17).

The tribes are here listed in an order not in accord with any previous listing (see 1 Chron. 2:1, 2; Gen. 35:23-26; 46:8-27; 49:3-27; first are named the six tribes descended from sons of Leah, in order of age (Gen. 29:31-35; 30:17-20; 35:23); then six tribes (counting Manasseh as two half tribes) descended from Rachel (Gen. 30:22-24; 35:16-18; cf. 46:20 and 48:5), including two sons of her maid Bilhah (see Gen. 30:6-8), who were legally reckoned as hers. This makes up twelve tribes, aside from the representative of the Aaronites. The reason for omitting Gad and Asher is not given.

Ruler. Each tribe had its own chief officer.

18. Elihu. This should probably be Eliab, the eldest son of Jesse (see 1 Sam. 16:6; 17:13, 28; 1 Chron. 2:13), unless he was "brother" in the sense of "relative" (see on ch. 2:7).

21. Jaasiel. This was probably a son of Saul's famous general, who was a Benjamite.

22. Of Dan. Neither Dan nor Zebulun appears in the tribal registers of chs. 4-7, but both tribes occur in the present list.

23. Took not the number. The remark here implies that David's numbering of the people was connected with the military arrangements set forth earlier in the chapter. David desired to know how many men he could count on in the building up of his army.

24. He finished not. See ch. 21:6.

There fell wrath. See ch. 21:7-15.

Neither was the number. The number was not inserted in the official state archives of David's reign. This does not mean that it was not preserved elsewhere. The figures are found in 1 Chron. 21:5.

25. The king's treasures. These were probably treasures of gold, silver, bronze, and precious stones in the royal treasury at Jerusalem. Verses 25-31 comprise an important section dealing with the question of the royal revenue and the means by which it was acquired. David's wealth consisted of treasure laid up in storehouses in cities and in rural areas. Its sources were fields, vineyards, olive orchards, sycamore plantations, flocks, herds, camels, and asses. David had become wealthy, and it was necessary that expert help be provided to take care of his financial interests.

Castles. Or, towers (see 2 Chron. 26:10).

26. For tillage. The arable domains of David probably brought in a considerable and constant flow of revenue.

27. Vineyards. The soil of Palestine was favorable to grape raising. The grape flourished throughout the land, on the hills of Judah and Samaria, the plains of Jericho and Esdraelon, and the highlands across the Jordan.

28. Olive trees. The olive tree was cultivated in Palestine in olive yards. The olive was highly valued not only as the whole fruit but also for its oil. The oil was used in cooking and seasoning, also burned in lamps, and used as an ointment.

Sycomore trees. These were the sycamore figs. They were abundant in the lowlands of Judah and were also found in the Jordan valley.

29. Sharon. A fertile plain along the Mediterranean coast, south of Mt. Carmel.

30. Obil the Ishmaelite. Ishmaelites from the Arabian Desert were well acquainted with camels, and one of this group would have been a fitting person to look after David's camels. The camels were probably kept in the uplands east of the Jordan.

31. Flocks. Heb. so'n, flocks of sheep and goats. The country of Palestine was particularly suited for grazing purposes.

32. Counsellor. The list of officials in vs. 32-34 probably constituted David's privy council. For other lists of David's chief officers see 1 Chron. 18:15-17, also 2 Sam. 8:16-18; 20:23-26.

With the king's sons. Hachmoni was probably a tutor of the king's sons.

33. Ahithophel. The counselor of David who went over to Absalom, and who committed suicide when he found that his advice was not accepted by Absalom (2 Sam. 15:31; 17:23).

Hushai the Archite. The faithful counselor of David who thwarted the counsel of Ahithophel (see 2 Sam. 17:7-14).

34. After Ahithophel. After the defection of Ahithophel he was succeeded by Jehoiada and Abiathar.

Jehoiada. This was probably the Jehoiada who is designated as a "priest" (v. 5). Jehoiada's son, Benaiah, had the same name as his grandfather.

Abiathar. Abiathar was one of the high priests (see 1 Chron. 18:16; 2 Sam. 20:25).

1 Chronicles Chapter 28

1 David in a solemn assembly having declared God's favour to him, and promise to his son Solomon, exhorteth them to fear God. 9, 20 He encourageth Solomon to build the temple. 11 He giveth him patterns for the form, and gold and silver for the materials.

1. David assembled. This was a general assembly of the princes called by David to set before the leaders of the nation the project of building the Temple and to install Solomon publicly as king. Solomon had been anointed hurriedly and privately to forestall Adonijah's usurpation (see 1 Kings 1:38, 39), but this was now to be the formal coronation.

Princes of Israel. The princes and national leaders designated in the following clauses.

Princes of the tribes. See ch. 27:16-22.

Captains of the companies. Commanders of the 12 divisions of the army (see ch. 27:2-15).

Captains over the thousands. At the time of the Exodus from Egypt the Lord instructed Moses to set over the people "rulers of thousands, and rulers of hundreds, rulers of fifties, and rulers of tens" Ex. 18:21.

Stewards. See ch. 27:25-31.

His sons. The royal princes were probably included in the list of leading men of the realm to be consulted in matters of importance. They are later mentioned (ch. 29:24) as pledging allegiance to Solomon.

The officers. Heb. sarisim, literally, "eunuchs." Some think that saris at times has a generalized sense, denoting a courtier or palace official, although this cannot be proved (see on Gen. 37:36).

2. Upon his feet. Because of David's age and physical weakness it had probably not been expected that he would be able to address the assemblage in person.

My brethren, and my people. By these words David desired his people to understand that he recognized all Israel as near of kin to himself--that the whole nation was one large family of which David was considered the head (see 1 Sam. 30:23; 2 Sam. 19:12).

In mine heart. Compare ch. 22:7. David's one great ambition had been to build the Temple as a permanent home for the ark of the Lord.

Footstool. The idea of worshiping at God's footstool is expressed in Ps. 99:5; 132:7.

Had made ready. This verse seems to imply that David had begun preliminary preparations before the prohibition was announced.

3. But God said. The emphasis is on the word "God," in contrast with the "I" in v. 2: "As for me, I had in mine heart to build." To build a house for the Lord was a worthy purpose, but God had reasons why it would be better for someone other than David to build the Temple.

Man of war. It was hardly appropriate that a man of war should build the world's great temple of peace. The wars of David were perhaps necessary and justifiable wars, but they were wars nevertheless, and they resulted in the shedding of much blood. It seemed inappropriate that such a ruler should build the Temple (see ch. 22:8).

4. Chose me. See 1 Sam. 16:1.

For ever. See on 2 Sam. 7:12, 13, 16. Through Christ, the Seed of David, the throne of David will be established forever (see Luke 1:32, 33; John 12:34). What literal Israel forfeited, first through national apostasy, and further through rejecting Jesus, will be fulfilled in the kingdom of spiritual Israel (on the conditional aspect of these promises, see on v. 7).

Chosen Judah. Compare Gen. 49:8-10; 1 Chron. 5:2; Ps. 60:7; 78:67, 68.

5. Many sons. See ch. 3:1-9, where 19 sons are named, besides "the sons of the concubines, and Tamar their sister."

Hath chosen Solomon. God had certified through Nathan that David's successor on the throne was to be a younger son (2 Sam. 7:12), and it had evidently been revealed that this was to be Solomon (1 Chron. 22:8-10).

Kingdom of the Lord. The kingdom of Israel was primarily God's kingdom, a theocracy. David was merely reigning as the representative of God.

7. If he be constant. The promise to David that his throne was to be established forever was conditional, the condition being obedience. God repeated the same conditions to Solomon (1 Kings 9:4, 5). Compare also 1 Kings 3:14, where God promised to Solomon a lengthening of his days if he kept God's commandments. God also revealed to David that only on the condition that his descendants kept the divine covenant would they always sit upon his throne (see 1 Kings 2:3, 4; cf. Ps. 132:11, 12).

8. All the commandments. David well understood the supreme importance of obedience if Israel were to prosper. In this final address he therefore urged his people to be faithful. By his own bitter experience he had learned that the pathway of transgression is hard. He knew by experience what it meant to be condemned before God and to reap the fruits of transgression. Therefore with all the earnestness of his soul he urged the people to be true to God. Moses likewise, shortly before his death, set before Israel the blessings of obedience and the terrible fruits of transgression (Deut. 28; cf. Isa. 1:19, 20; Jer. 7:3-12).

This good land. God had promised His people a "good land," "flowing with milk and honey" (Ex. 3:8). David recognized that it was indeed a good land which the Lord had given to His people.

9. Thou, Solomon. Before all the congregation David now addressed himself to Solomon, earnestly admonishing him to be faithful. David knew that the prosperity of his son's reign was dependent upon whether he would be true to God. If faithful, Solomon would prosper; if unfaithful, he would reap the consequences of transgression and the nation would suffer with him.

Know thou. Nothing in the world is of greater importance than a knowledge of God. To know God brings peace and happiness in this world, and the blessings of life eternal. "This is life eternal, that they might know thee the only true God, and Jesus Christ, whom thou hast sent" (John 17:3).

Perfect heart. Or, "whole heart." David enjoined upon his son an undivided allegiance, admonishing him to give himself completely to the service of God, and to do so willingly and cheerfully (see 1 Chron. 29:19; cf. 1 Kings 8:61).

With a willing mind. True service of God is heart service. No man can be a child of God who does not willingly serve Him. There is no such thing as forced Christianity. "If ye be willing and obedient, ye shall eat the good of the land" (Isa. 1:19). This does not imply that performance of duty is always in harmony with one's inclination. In fact, obedience often does involve crucifixion of self. Paul's wishes and desires daily conflicted with duty; nevertheless he did the will of God, however unpleasant and crucifying to his nature (see LS 237).

Searcheth all hearts. The Lord looks, not upon man's outward appearance, but on his heart. It was thus that David was chosen (1 Sam. 16:7). The heart of every man is known to God (see 1 Kings 8:39; Ps. 139:1-4; Acts 1:24; Heb. 4:13).

Understandeth all. Because the Lord understands the weaknesses of the human heart He has mercy and compassion toward us, even when we have sinned against Him. "Like as a father pitieth his children, so the Lord pitieth them that fear him. For he knoweth our frame; he remembereth that we are dust" (Ps. 103:13, 14).

Seek him. Compare Deut. 4:29; Isa. 55:6; Jer. 29:13. For the man who searches for God, the Lord is not far away. He who desires to know God will find Him, and he will also find confidence, peace, and life everlasting. Life's most rewarding quest is the search after God.

Cast thee off. It is man who causes a separation between himself and God. Only when man forsakes the Lord and His ways of righteousness will he find that God has cast him off. The Lord never forsakes those who seek after Him (Ps. 9:10).

10. Take heed now. Give careful consideration to this high commission, weigh it carefully and understand its supreme importance, for it is none other than God Himself who has chosen you to build this house for Him. Then be strong, and act (see 1 Chron. 22:13, 16; cf. Ps. 27:14; 31:24).

11. The pattern. As the Lord had given Moses a pattern of the tabernacle he was to construct in the wilderness (Ex. 25:8, 9), so He had given David a revelation of the Temple plans (1 Chron. 28:19). A plan had been drawn up in accord with the revelation that had come to David, and this was now turned over to Solomon. Inasmuch as the Temple of Solomon was to take the place of the tabernacle built by Moses, and inasmuch as both structures, together with their services, were to teach important truths regarding the plan of salvation, it was important that divine direction be carefully followed.

The porch. See on 1 Kings 6:3.

The houses. The reference here is probably to the holy and the most holy place (see 1 Kings 6:17, 27, where these apartments are called "the house" and "the inner house," and 2 Chron. 3:5, 8, where they are termed "the greater house" and "the most holy house").

Treasuries. Probably service chambers that were used as places of deposit for the Temple revenues as well as the storage of supplies used in the Temple service. Their exact location is not known, but they were probably in the side chambers on the outside of the Temple proper (see 1 Kings 6:5, 6).

Upper chambers. The exact location of these "upper chambers" is not known. They may have been above the lower rooms of the Temple proper, for the height of the most holy place was only 20 cu. (1 Kings 6:20), whereas the height of the Temple itself was 30 cu. (1 Kings 6:2). The space of about 10 cu. between the ceiling of the holy of holies and the Temple roof was possibly occupied by these "upper chambers."

12. By the spirit. The pattern that had come into his mind, as revealed to him by the Spirit of God (v. 19). The plan of the Temple was not of David's own devising; it came to him from the Lord (see PP 751).

The courts. See on 2 Chron 4:9.

The chambers. Compare ch. 23:28.

The treasuries. Compare ch. 26:20.

13. Courses. Compare chs. 23-26.

All the work. Many services were connected with the Temple ritual, such as the cooking of flesh, the baking of shewbread, the preparation of oil, incense, and sacrifices (see Ex. 30:23-38; Lev. 1:5-17; 2:1-16; 5:11; 6:9-29; 8:1 24:2-9).

14. Gold by weight. David gave directions concerning the exact amount of gold to be used for the making of the various vessels. Minute specifications were provided with the fixed weight of gold for various objects.

15. Candlesticks. According to Ex. 25:31-40 there was a single seven-branched "candlestick," or lampstand, in the sanctuary, but for the Temple of Solomon there were ten candlesticks. These latter were perhaps in addition to the original candlestick (see on 1 Kings 7:49; cf. 2 Chron. 4:7). The weight of the golden candlesticks and their lamps was accurately specified. Nothing was left to chance, to be done in a haphazard way.

16. The tables of shewbread. Only one table of shewbread is mentioned in Ex. 25:23-30 (see 1 Kings 7:48 and 2 Chron. 29:18). Solomon constructed ten tables, presumably for the shewbread (see 2 Chron. 4:8, 19). See on 1 Kings 7:48.

17. Fleshhooks. The fleshhooks employed in the sanctuary in the wilderness were made of brass (Ex. 27:3).

Bowls, and the cups. Compare Ex. 25:29; 27:3; 37:16; Num. 4:7.

18. Chariot of the cherubims. There was probably no literal chariot, but the cherubim themselves may have constituted the chariot (see Ps. 18:10; 68:17).

19. In writing. This verse literally translated reads, "He explained all in writing from the hand of Yahweh upon me, all the works of the pattern." The LXX has a fuller reading and may be translated, "All these things in writing from the hand of the Lord David gave to Solomon according to the knowledge given to him of the work of the pattern."

20. Be strong. Compare ch. 22:13.

Fear not, nor be dismayed. Compare the final admonition from Moses to Joshua and the people (Deut. 31:6-8), and the Lord's admonition to Joshua when he took up the task of leadership (Joshua 1:5-7). If Solomon was to measure up to all that God and the nation expected of him, he would need to be courageous, courageous to be loyal personally to the precepts of Jehovah and to apply sound principles in his conduct of the affairs of state. Unfortunately, inducements to personal pleasure and prestige eventually prevailed. On Solomon's apostasy and repentance, see the Introduction to Ecclesiastes.

Ellen G. White Comments

1-21PP 750, 751

1 AA 94

1-3, 6-8PP 750

8 AA 94

9 MB 188; TM 173; 3T 238; 5T 31

9, 10 AA 95; PK 26

9-12PP 751

12, 19 GC 23

20 PP 751

1 Chronicles Chapter 29

1 David, by his example and intreaty, 6 causeth the princes and people to offer willingly. 10 David's thanksgiving and prayer. 20 The people, having blessed God, and sacrificed, make Solomon king. 26 David's reign and death.

1. David the king said. David recounts his preparations for the building of the Temple and appeals to the men of wealth and position in Israel for offerings (vs. 1-9). Compare the experience of Moses, who, in response to the Lord's directions, made an appeal to the people for offerings that the sanctuary might be built (Ex. 25:1-8; 35:4-9), and received a liberal response (Ex. 35:20-29).

Young and tender. Compare 1 Chron. 22:5; 1 Kings 3:7; Prov. 4:3.

Palace. Birah, an Akkadian loan word, which usually designates a palace or fortress (Neh. 1:1; 7:2; Esther 1:2, 5; 2:3, 5, 8; 3:15; Dan. 8:2). Here and in v. 19 it is used for the Temple.

2. All my might. Putting all of his soul into this effort, David succeeded in gathering together great quantities of material (ch. 22:14). Wholehearted love produces wholehearted service.

3. Set my affection. Because of David's love and devotion to God he was willing to give liberally of his own treasure that the Temple might be built. He had set an example in liberality, and now he could call for liberality.

4. Three thousand talents. If this was a regular talent, reckoned at 75.39 lb. (see Vol. I, p. 164), the amount of gold gathered by David would thus be about 113 tons (102 metric tons). However, we cannot be certain of the precise value of ancient standards of weight. See further pp. 122, 123.

Seven thousand talents. On the basis of a talent weighing 75.39 lb. (see Vol. I, p. 164) the amount of silver contributed would be about 263 tons, or 239 metric tons. See above under "three thousand talents."

5. Consecrate his service. David had willingly consecrated himself and his service to the Lord, and he could now call upon his people to do likewise. He identified the project of building the Temple with the service of God. By their faithfulness in this matter the people would reveal the extent of their faithfulness to God. Acceptable service to God is willing, cheerful, and immediate service.

7. Iron. On the basis of a talent weighing 75.39 lb. (Vol. I, p. 164) the amount of iron contributed would total about 3,770 tons, or 3,420 metric tons (see on v. 4 regarding ancient standards of weight). See further pp. 122, 123. Iron was of much greater value in those days than it is today.

9. The people rejoiced. A willing offering to God brings joy to the heart. Sacrificing Christians are happy Christians. The lack of joy in the life is often due to the lack of liberality in the soul.

The king also rejoiced. David found joy in giving, and he rejoiced in the joy that came to his people from giving. A liberal Christian should be a joyous Christian.

11. Thine, O Lord. By his personal contact with God, David had caught a glimpse of the infinite greatness and glory of Heaven and the utter unworthiness and nothingness of man. In a spirit of genuine humility he ascribed all praise and honor to God. Compare the expression in the Lord's Prayer: "For thine is the kingdom, and the power, and the glory, for ever. Amen" (Matt. 6:13).

13. We thank thee. Worship in its highest sense involves a recognition of God's greatness and goodness and the response of the heart in joyous thanksgiving.

14. Who am I? David recognized his own unworthiness, and the utter inability of either himself or his people to give unto God unless God Himself had put into their hearts the spirit of giving and into their hands the wherewithal to give.

Of thine own. David frankly acknowledges that the earth and all therein are the Lord's and that in the offerings made that day he and his people were only returning to God a little of what God had given to them.

16. All this store. That is, all this abundance of material and wealth.

Of thine hand. All this abundance of treasure that Israel gave for the Temple had come from the hand of God, and was rightfully His. What man has, he receives from the bountiful hand of God (Ps. 104:28).

17. Triest the heart. Compare Ps. 7:9; 11:4; 26:2; 139:1; Jer. 11:20; Rev. 2:23.

In uprightness. God's interest is in righteousness and mercy, not in religious formalism and outward conformity to law. Uprightness within results in kindness, justice, honesty, and goodness without. God calls for a religion of the heart that produces the fruits of upright living (see Micah 6:8).

I have willingly offered. There was no hypocrisy in this prayer; it sprang from deep sincerity. What David had done, he had done willingly and cheerfully, finding in such giving his keenest joy.

18. Keep this. That is, keep always in the hearts of God's people the purpose and spirit manifested this day.

Prepare their hearts. Or, "direct their hearts." The moving of the Spirit of God upon the hearts of men and the placing of God's love within the souls of men cause them to direct their thoughts to Heaven.

20. Worshipped. The word here translated "worshipped" means basically, "to bow down," "to prostrate oneself." In grateful praise the people lifted up their hearts in worship to God; and in joyous recognition of what they owed to the example and admonition of David, they made obeisance to their king.

22. The second time. For the first time that Solomon was made king see on 1 Chron. 23:1; 1 Kings 1:32-40.

23. Instead of David. Though David was still alive at this time, all active direction of the affairs of state was placed in the hands of Solomon.

24. Submitted themselves. That is, they pledged their allegiance to Solomon. This was particularly important in view of the conspiracy of Adonijah (1 Kings 1:5-53).

27. Forty years. According to the chronology employed tentatively in this commentary (see Vol. II, pp. 134, 162, 77), David reigned from about 1011 to 971 B.C.

Seven years. Compare 2 Sam. 5:5 (see Vol. II, p. 133).

29. The book of Samuel. Verse 29 points to the existence of a number of important books recording Israel's early history.

30. The times. That is, the seasons of good and evil fortune that he experienced, the various vicissitudes that came to him, to his people, and to the nations round about.

Ellen G. White Comments

1-20PP 751-753

1 PK 37

1-9PP 751

5 CS 127; PK 62; 8T 45

10-175T 735

10-20PP 752

11, 12 MB 176

12 3T 549

14 COL 362; CS 18, 46, 157, 198, 300; FE 82; MYP 313; PP 753; 4T 78, 596; 5T 268, 271, 382, 737; 6T 480, 481

15 Ed 165

16 4T 78

[A combined introduction to 1 and 2 Chronicles is given immediately preceding the comment on 1 Chronicles.]

2 Chronicles Chapter 1

1 The solemn offering of Solomon at Gibeon. 7 Solomon's choice of wisdom is blessed by God. 13 Solomon's strength and wealth.

1. Was strengthened. Or, "strengthened himself," or, "established himself."

Was with him. Compare 1 Chron. 9:20; 11:9. One of the most important lessons of the books of Chronicles is that the presence and blessing of the Lord grant men true success.

Magnified him exceedingly. Compare 1 Chron. 29:25.

3. Gibeon. A town 6 mi. (9.6 km.) northwest of Jerusalem. The earlier inhabitants worshiped at high places, and at times this term is employed for centers of the worship of God. According to 1 Kings 3:4 Solomon went to Gibeon to offer sacrifice to God.

The tabernacle. Nearly 480 years (see 1 Kings 6:1) had passed since Moses, on the occasion of the Exodus from Egypt, constructed the wilderness tabernacle. This ancient and sacred structure, which had meant so much in the history of Israel, was still the center of worship for the people of God. It had been erected to serve as a place where God promised to meet with His people (Ex. 25:8, 22; Num. 17:4), and here they continued to come that they might draw close to the presence of the Lord.

4. But the ark. Contrary to the command of Moses, Israel had, in effect, two national centers of worship (Deut. 12:5, 6, 11, 13, 18; 16:2; 26:2; 31:11).

Tent. See 1 Chron. 15:1.

5. The brasen altar. See Ex. 27:1-8 for the directions given concerning the making of the brazen altar, and Ex. 38:1-7 for an account of the making of the altar.

Bezaleel. See Ex. 31:2; 35:30. For his genealogy see 1 Chron. 2:3-20. He descended from Judah through Hezron, Caleb, and Hur (1 Chron. 2:3-5, 18-20).

He put. Heb. sam. A number of Hebrew manuscripts read sham, an adverb meaning "there." If this reading is adopted the clause becomes, "was there before the tabernacle." The LXX agrees.

Sought unto it. This may also be translated, "sought unto him." In the Hebrew the antecedent of "it" may be either "altar" or "Lord." The LXX supports the reading of the KJV.

6. Before the Lord. The tabernacle built by Moses was God's sanctuary or dwelling place (Ex. 25:8). The altar stood before the entrance to the tabernacle (Ex. 40:6), and was thus regarded as standing before the Lord (see Judges 20:23, 26).

Burnt offerings. Compare 1 Kings 3:4.

7. Did God appear. The communication was in a dream (1 Kings 3:5).

8. Shewed great mercy. Compare the fuller statement of Solomon's reply in 1 Kings 3:6-9.

9. Thy promise. That is, the promise that David's house and that of Solomon should be established forever (1 Chron. 17:23-27; 28:7).

Like the dust. Compare the parallel statement, "a great people, that cannot be numbered nor counted for multitude" (1 Kings 3:8).

10. Wisdom and knowledge. See on 1 Kings 3:9.

Go out and come in. That is, lead the people as a shepherd (Num. 27:17). Compare 1 Kings 3:7.

12. Wealth, and honour. Compare 1 Chron. 29:25. The abridged account here omits the conditional promise of long life mentioned in 1 Kings 3:14.

13. From his journey to the high place. The words "from his journey" are not found in the Hebrew, which reads simply, "And Solomon came to the high place that was in Gibeon to Jerusalem." Obviously some explanatory phrase is needed or else, with the LXX, "from the high place" should be read instead of "to the high place."

The record in Chronicles omits such details as Solomon's awakening to discover that he had a dream, his coming to Jerusalem to offer up sacrifices at the sanctuary there (1 Kings 3:15), and the narrative of his judgment in the case of the two harlots and the child (1 Kings 3:16-28).

14. Chariots and horsemen. See on 1 Kings 10:26. The account of Solomon's chariots and horsemen, his treasures of silver and gold, and his activities in the trading of horses and chariots between Egypt and the kings of the Hittites and Syria (2 Chron. 1:14-17) is almost identical with the account in 1 Kings 10:26-29.

15. Gold. This metal is not mentioned in the parallel statement of 1 Kings 10:27 or in 2 Chron. 9:27.

Sycomore trees. This is not the sycamore tree so common in America and England, but the sycamore fig (see 1 Chron. 27:28), which was common in the lowlands of Judah and in the Jordan valley.

16. Linen yarn. See on 1 Kings 10:28 for a full discussion of the parallel text.

17. Hittites. At the time of Solomon the Hittite empire had broken in pieces, but many minor Hittite kingdoms were still in existence in northern Syria, in the vicinity of the Euphrates.

Ellen G. White Comments

1 PK 32

2, 3 PK 27

11 PK 28

7-12Ed 48; 3T 449; 9T 281

12 PK 29

15 PK 54

16 PK 56

2 Chronicles Chapter 2

1, 17 Solomon's labourers for the building of the temple. 3 His embassage to Huram for workmen and provision of stuff. 11 Huram sendeth him a kind answer.

1. Determined to build. Chapters 2-7narrate the building and consecration of the Temple and are in general parallel to 1 Kings 5-8. In the record of Kings, Solomon's determination to build a house for the Lord is expressed in his message to Hiram of Tyre (1 Kings 5:5).

Name of the Lord. Compare 1 Chron. 22:7, 10; 28:3; 29:16; 1 Kings 5:3, 5. See also Vol. I, pp. 170-173.

House for his kingdom. That is, the royal palace and its various buildings. These are described in 1 Kings 7:1-12, but are only incidentally referred to in 2 Chron. 2:12; 7:11; 8:1.

2. Told out. Literally, "numbered" (see Lev. 15:13), from the Heb. saphar.

Threescore and ten thousand. The information here given is repeated in v. 18. See on 1 Kings 5:15, 16.

3. Huram. Spelled "Hiram" in Kings (1 Kings 5:1, 2, 7, 10, 18), but in Chronicles it is spelled "Huram," except in 1 Chron. 14:1.

Verses 3-16 deal with Solomon's arrangements with Hiram of Tyre. This subject is dealt with in 1 Kings 5:1-18. The record in Kings mentions the envoys sent by Hiram to Solomon (1 Kings 5:1), a detail not found in Chronicles. It also includes as part of Solomon's message, reference to David's inability to build the Temple because of his wars (1 Kings 5:3). Solomon's rest from war (1 Kings 5:4), and the Lord's promise to David (1 Kings 5:5), three items that are not mentioned in the present chapter, but in 1 Chron. 22:8-10. Items found in Chronicles and not occurring in the record in Kings are: the dealings of Hiram with David (2 Chron. 2:3), the part of the sweet incense, continual shewbread, and morning and evening burnt offerings in the Temple services (v. 4), the greatness of the Temple as a house for God (vs. 5, 6), the request for a skilled worker in metal and cloth (v. 7), the kinds of trees desired (v. 8), and the payments to Hiram's timber cutters (v. 10).

Even so deal with me. These words, not in the Hebrew, have been supplied by the translators. They are implied by the previous clause, "As thou didst deal with David my father."

4. To the name of the Lord. The Temple was to be built as a dwelling place for Jehovah, that He might be present with His people (see Ex. 25:8) and that His name might be glorified in the earth. In it the various rites and ceremonies instituted for the tabernacle in the wilderness were to be performed.

Sweet incense. Compare Ex. 30:7, 8. The revelator saw the smoke of the incense accompanying the prayers of the saints into the presence of God (Rev. 8:3, 4). The incense represents the merits and intercession of Christ, His perfect righteousness, which alone makes the worship of sinful beings acceptable to God (see PP 353).

Continual shewbread. See on Ex. 25:30; Lev. 24:5-8. The shewbread pointed to Christ, the living bread (see John 6:33-35, 48-51; PP 354).

Burnt offerings. See on Ex. 29:38-41; Num. 28:3-10. The fire for these offerings was to burn continually, and was never to go out, day or night (see Lev. 6:9, 12, 13).

The solemn feasts. Compare 1 Chron. 23:31; Num. 28:16 to 29:39; see on Lev. 23.

5. Is great. The Temple itself was not to be great in physical dimensions, but it was to be a structure of matchless beauty and unrivaled splendor, bedecked with precious stones, adorned with burnished gold, and fitly representing the surpassing beauty of holiness that characterizes God and all things connected with Him.

Above all gods. Compare Ex. 18:11; Deut. 10:17; Ps. 77:13; 95:3; 135:5.

6. Cannot contain him. Solomon repeated this thought in his prayer at the dedication of the Temple (2 Chron. 6:18; 1 Kings 8:27). No structure on earth can adequately represent the grandeur and glory of God. In writing to Hiram of Tyre, Solomon did not hesitate to extol God for His greatness and goodness. If God's ancient people had not hesitated constantly to magnify the Lord, and had proclaimed His praises to the nations about, many of earth's inhabitants would soon have come to acknowledge the true God and would have come to worship at His Temple in Jerusalem.

Who am I? At this point in his life Solomon was a man of deep devotion and marked humility. He recognized his own utter insignificance before the greatness of heaven and the splendor and greatness of God.

7. A man cunning to work. A skilled craftsman.

That can skill to grave. That is, skilled in engraving.

Did provide. Compare 1 Chron. 22:14, 15; 28:21.

8. Fir trees. Probably cypresses.

Algum. Spelled "almug" in 1 Kings 10:11, 12. These trees were brought by the ships of Hiram from Ophir and were used for making pillars for the Temple and the palace, also for manufacturing musical instruments (1 Kings 10:11, 12). This tree cannot now be positively identified, but it may have been sandalwood or a kind of juniper.

Timber. Compare 1 Kings 5:6.

10. I will give. The payment was in food. A measure, or cor, was 220 liters, 61/4 bushels; a bath, 22 liters--5.8 U.S. gallons. The arrangement entered into was mutually advantageous, for Hiram needed foodstuffs of which Phoenicia produced little, and of which Israel had an oversupply, and Solomon needed timber, of which he had little and Phoenicia had much.

11. In writing. That Hiram answered in writing is not explicitly stated in Kings.

Hath loved his people. Hiram had come to recognize that the Lord was with David and that the Israelites were indeed loved by Jehovah. David's faithfulness in acknowledging the Lord must have created an impression upon the nations round about.

12. Blessed be the Lord. Hiram speaks with deference and respect for the God of the Hebrews, who had so greatly blessed David and his son, a further indication (cf. v. 11) that he had become deeply impressed with the religion of Israel.

Made heaven and earth. The Hebrew religion placed emphasis on the truth that God was the Creator of heaven and earth, and presented this fact as one of the outstanding characteristics that distinguished Jehovah from the gods of the nations about. The observance of the seventh-day Sabbath was designed to throw this characteristic into bold relief. Thus when Hiram spoke of Jehovah he significantly referred to Him as the Creator of heaven and earth and paid due respect to His exalted position and His holy name (see on 1 Kings 5:7).

13. Huram my father's. Some prefer to transliterate the entire phrase so as to read Huram-abi.

14. Daughters of Dan. According to 1 Kings 7:14 Hiram is said to have been a "widow's son of the tribe of Naphtali." This is not necessarily a contradiction, for the mother could have been of the tribe of Dan and the father originally a member of the tribe of Naphtali, who became a naturalized citizen of Tyre.

Skilful to work. These words, as well as all the rest of the verse, seem to apply to Hiram and not to his Tyrian father.

My lord David. The use of this term denotes subserviency, or at least extreme respect (see Gen. 32:4, 5, 18; 42:10; 2 Kings 8:12). David held in vassalage much of Palestine and Syria, from the borders of Egypt to the Euphrates.

15. Hath spoken of. See v. 10.

16. Flotes. That is, rafts.

Joppa. A city on the Mediterranean coast, about 35 mi. northwest of Jerusalem. It was the natural port of Jerusalem. Jonah took ship from here for Tarshish (Jonah 1:3). When the Temple was rebuilt after the return from Babylonian captivity, rafts of cedar logs were again floated to Joppa from Tyre (Ezra 3:7). Joppa is now called Jaffa.

17. The strangers. Non-Israelites. This group doubtless consisted mainly of the descendants of the early Canaanite tribes who were not driven out by Israel (see Judges 1:21-36; 1 Kings 9:20, 21).

Numbered them. Probably the census alluded to in 1 Chron. 22:2 is here referred to. The native inhabitants were reduced to bond service at the time of the conquest (see on Judges 1:28, 30, 33, 35; cf. Joshua 9:27).

This section of Chronicles is parallel to 1 Kings 5:13-18, but with several variations. Nothing is said in Chronicles of the first levy of 30,000 men, of whom 10,000 served each month (1 Kings 5:13, 14). The total of 153,600 strangers is recorded, a detail not mentioned in Kings.

18. Threescore and ten thousand. These items are also recorded in 1 Kings 5:15.

Three thousand and six hundred. See on 1 Kings 5:16 for an explanation of the seeming discrepancy between this number and the 3,300 reported there. The 70,000 bearers of burdens, 80,000 hewers in the mountains, and 3,600 overseers give a total of 153,600 workers (see v. 17).

Ellen G. White Comments

1-3PK 35

7 PK 63

13, 14 PK 35

14 PK 63

2 Chronicles Chapter 3

1 The place, and time of building the temple. 3 The measure and ornaments of the house. 11 The cherubims. 14 The vail and pillars.

1. Mount Moriah. The place where the Temple was built is here identified as the mountain in the land of Moriah where Abraham proved his willingness to offer Isaac (Gen. 22:2, 9).

Threshingfloor of Ornan. See 2 Sam. 24:16-25; 1 Chron. 21:14-28. The appearance of the angel to David, the command of the heavenly messenger that David should build an altar for sacrifice on the threshing floor of Ornan, and the answer by fire may have been regarded as an indication that this was the site which the Lord had selected for Israel to sacrifice and worship (1 Chron. 22:1-5).

2. Second day. Compare 1 Kings 6:1. The text in Chronicles does not name the month, but in Kings it is identified and called by its ancient name, Zif. In post-exilic times this month was known by the name Iyyar, adopted from the Babylonian word Aiaru. Chronicles also does not mention that this was in the 480th year after the Exodus.

Solomon's 4th year may be tentatively placed at 967/66 B.C., autumn to autumn. Accordingly, the Temple was begun in the spring of 966 (see Vol. II, pp. 134, 159).

3. The first measure. On the value of the cubit in different periods of Israelitic history see Vol. I, p. 165.

Threescore cubits. Compare 1 Kings 6:2.

4. Twenty cubits. The porch in front of the house was equal in width to the width of the Temple, which was 20 cu. Its depth was 10 cu. (1 Kings 6:3).

An hundred and twenty. According to 1 Kings 6:2 the height of the Temple was 30 cu. Kings does not give the height of the porch, but the figure here given, 120 cu. or 175 ft. (53.3 m.) would provide a structure unlike anything else known in ancient architecture. A porch 20 x 10 x 120 cu. would be actually a tower of skyscraper dimensions. Perhaps 20 cu. is meant in harmony with several manuscripts of the LXX and the Syriac (see on 1 Kings 6:3).

5. The greater house. That is, the holy place, which was 40 cu. long (1 Kings 6:17).

Fir tree. Probably the cypress.

Overlaid with fine gold. The woodwork of the interior of the Temple was covered with gold. Compare 1 Kings 6:20-22.

6. Precious stones. The Temple was adorned with precious stones collected by David (1 Chron. 29:2). See also 1 Kings 10:11, which relates that Hiram's fleet brought precious stones from Ophir.

Parvaim. This place has not been identified. It is thought to have been in Arabia. The name Parvaim occurs only here in Scripture.

7. The house. The holy place. What is given here is a continuation of v. 5, the object being to explain how the entire chamber, including its beams, posts, walls, and doors, was entirely covered with gold (see 1 Kings 6:21, 22).

Cherubims. On these mural decorations see 1 Kings 6:29. The form "cherubims" is really incorrect, for "cherubim" is a transliteration of the Hebrew plural form and hence does not require the "s" to make a plural. The singular form is "cherub."

8. According to the breadth. The most holy place was a perfect cube, 20 cu. in length, breadth, and height (see 1 Kings 6:20).

Six hundred talents. This would be about 22 tons of gold (18 metric tons) if a talent is to be reckoned at 75.39 lb.

9. Fifty shekels. Since a shekel weighs 11.4 g., or about 0.40 oz. avoirdupois, 50 shekels would be about 11/4 lb. (.57 kg.). This would be an insignificant weight for all the nails used in the sanctuary. The reference here is probably to the weight of each individual nail. Some, on the basis of an emendation suggested by the LXX, translate the passage: "The weight of the nails was one shekel to fifty shekels of gold" (see RSV). The nails, possibly used to fasten the sheets of gold on the wood surfaces, would weigh about 900 lb. (410 kg.).

Chambers. See on 1 Chron. 28:11.

10. Two cherubims. See 1 Kings 6:23-28.

Of image work. The exact sense of this phrase is not clear. The LXX reads "of wood." According to 1 Kings 6:23 the cherubim were made of olivewood (see on Neh. 8:15).

11. Twenty cubits. That is, the total length of the wings of the two cherubim was 20 cu. Since the most holy place was 20 cu. wide, the outstretched wings of the two cherubim reached from one wall to the other. Each cherub thus covered 10 cu., with 5 cu. being the length of each wing. Thus the outer wing of each cherub touched one of the outer walls of the building, while the inner wing of each touched that of the other.

12. One wing. See on v. 11.

13. On their feet. The cherubim were in a standing position. Each was 10 cu. in height (1 Kings 6:26).

Inward. Literally, "toward the house." By "house" seems to be meant, "the holy place" (see vs. 5-7). If this be so, the cherubim in Solomon's Temple did not face each other with heads bent downward as was the case with those on the mercy seat (Ex. 25:20), but stood as guardians, one on either end of the ark, and both facing forward toward the holy place and the front of the building, which was toward the east.

14. Vail. This formed the partition between the holy place and the holy of holies. In 1 Kings 6:21 this veil is not mentioned, but reference is made to a "partition" and "chains of gold before the oracle." The veil was probably suspended from golden chains.

Blue, and purple, and crimson. The colors in the veil of the tabernacle were "blue, and purple, and scarlet" (Ex. 26:31).

Wrought cherubims. Figures of heavenly cherubim were worked into the tapestry of the veil (see Ex. 26:31).

15. Two pillars. See on 1 Kings 7:15.

The chapiter. The capital or uppermost member of a pillar.

16. An hundred pomegranates. There were evidently 100 pomegranates in an upper and 100 in a lower row on each pillar, a total of 400 pomegranates for both pillars (2 Chron. 4:13; 1 Kings 7:20, 42; cf. Jer. 52:22, 23).

17. Before the temple. "In the porch of the temple" (1 Kings 7:21). One pillar was set up on each side of the porch forming the entrance to the Temple.

Jachin. Probably meaning "He shall establish."

Boaz. Probably meaning "In it [or him] is strength."

2 Chronicles Chapter 4

1 The altar of brass. 2 The molten sea upon twelve oxen. 6 The ten lavers, candlesticks, and tables. 9 The courts, and the instruments of brass. 19 The instruments of gold.

1. Moreover he made. Chapter 4 deals with the furniture, vessels, and utensils of the Temple.

Altar of brass. The construction of the brazen (or bronze) altar of burnt offering is not mentioned in the parallel record of 1 Kings 6 and 7, but is incidentally referred to in 1 Kings 8:64; 9:25. That the altar was located in the court before the Temple is clear from 2 Chron. 6:12 and 2 Kings 16:14. The brazen altar in the Temple described by Ezekiel rose in a number of steps or terraces (Eze. 43:13-17).

2. A molten sea. A great basin made of cast metal (for size, see on 1 Kings 7:23).

3. Similitude of oxen. Verses 2-5 agree almost verbatim with 1 Kings 7:23-26; however, where the former mentions two rows of "oxen" the latter reads "knops," probably meaning gourds. The Hebrew word for "oxen," beqarim, and "gourds," peqaÔim, are somewhat similar and may have been confused. Many commentators believe that the text of Chronicles should read as it does in Kings.

4. Twelve oxen. This verse is practically identical with 1 Kings 7:25.

5. An handbreadth. Compare 1 Kings 7:26.

Three thousand baths. In 1 Kings 7:26 the capacity is given as 2,000 baths. It may be that 2,000 baths was the amount ordinarily kept in the tank, but that filled to the brim it would hold 3,000 baths. A bath was 22 liters, about U.S. 5.81 gals. (see on 1 Kings 7:23; Vol. I, p. 167).

6. Ten lavers. Compare 1 Kings 7:38, 39. The ten bases upon which the lavers stood are described in detail in 1 Kings 7:27-37.

7. Candlesticks. Compare 1 Kings 7:49; Jer. 52:19. There were ten candlesticks in Solomon's Temple. Perhaps the ten were in addition to the original candlestick of the tabernacle (Ex. 25:31-39; Ex. 37:17-24). Whether or not they were patterned after it is not stated.

8. Ten tables. These ten tables were probably intended for the shewbread (ch. 4:19 and 1 Chron. 28:16 mention "tables" for shewbread), although 1 Kings 7:48 mentions only one table. There was only one table in the tabernacle (Ex. 25:23, 30; Ex. 37:10).

An hundred basons. These basins are mentioned in 1 Kings 7:50, although their number is not given there.

9. Court of the priests. Evidently the "inner court" (see 1 Kings 6:36 and 1 Kings 7:12) and probably the "higher court" of Jer. 36:10.

Great court. Compare 1 Kings 7:12. That the Temple had two courts is clear also from 2 Kings 21:5 and 23:12.

With brass. In the ancient Orient doors were at times covered with bronze. Shalmaneser's palace at Balawat had great bronze-plated doors supposedly 22 ft. high, with each of the two leaves 6 ft. wide (6.7 m. by 1.8 m.; cf. 1 Kings 6:32).

10. Right side. The sea (v. 2) was set in the court at the southeast corner of the Temple. In Hebrew, directions are given from the standpoint of an individual facing east; thus the right side indicates the south. Compare 1 Kings 7:39. See on Gen. 23:19; Ex. 3:1.

11. Huram made. Verse 11-18, which describe the items of brass, are parallel to 1 Kings 7:40-47.

The pots. Compare 1 Kings 7:40. The pots here mentioned were used for the boiling of flesh for sacrificial purposes (see 1 Sam. 2:13, 14).

12. Two pillars. Compare ch. 3:15-17.

Pommels. Or, "bowls" (1 Kings 7:41).

The chapiters. The capitals (see on ch. 3:15).

Wreaths. Or, "networks" (1 Kings 7:41). "Wreaths" and "networks" are variant renderings of the same Hebrew word.

13. Pomegranates. Compare 1 Kings 7:42.

14. Bases. There were ten of these for the ten lavers (1 Kings 7:43).

15. One sea. Compare 2 Chron. 4:2; 1 Kings 7:23, 24.

Twelve oxen. Compare 2 Chron. 4:4; 1 Kings 7:25.

16. The pots also. Compare Ex. 27:3. The word here rendered "pots" is there translated "pans." The pans were used for receiving the ashes. The fleshhooks were forks for handling the flesh of the sacrificial offerings (see 1 Sam. 2:13, 14).

Huram his father. See on ch. 2:13.

Bright brass. Polished or burnished bronze.

17. Succoth. A town east of the Jordan (Judges 8:4, 5), identified by some as Tell DeirÔallaµ 1 mi. (1.6 km.) north of the Jabbok, and 7 mi. (11.2 km.) northeast of Tell ed-DaÆmiyeh. Others identify it with Tell el-Ah\s\as\ in the same general area. Jacob built a house at Succoth with booths for his cattle, after his return from Mesopotamia (Gen. 33:17).

Zeredathah. The exact location of this town is not known.

18. Weight of the brass. The parallel passage in 1 Kings 7:47 reads: "And Solomon left all the vessels unweighed, because they were exceeding many: neither was the weight of the brass found out." The weight of the brass vessels was thus not ascertained.

19. All the vessels. Verses 19-22 give a catalogue of the objects of gold (see 1 Kings 7:48-50).

The tables. The parallel passage in 1 Kings 7:48 reads "the table." Also in 2 Chron. 13:11 and 29:18 only a single table is mentioned. The tabernacle had only one table of shewbread (Ex. 25:23, 30; 37:10). But 2 Chron. 4:8 mentions ten tables in the Temple; see comment there.

20. The candlesticks. See on v. 7.

They should burn. Compare Ex. 27:20.

Ellen G. White Comments

17, 19, 21 PK 36

2 Chronicles Chapter 5

1 The dedicated treasures. 2 The solemn induction of the ark into the oracle. 11 God being praised giveth a visible sign of his favour.

1. Was finished. This verse belongs properly at the close of ch. 4, for it summarizes the material there discussed. In the parallel account it appears as the last verse of the chapter (1 Kings 7:51).

2. Assembled the elders. Chapters 5:2 to 7:22 are an account of the dedication of Solomon's Temple. See comments on 1 Kings 8:1 to 9:9. 2 Chron. 5:2-11, 14 is an almost exact duplicate of the parallel text in 1 Kings 8:1-11. The record in Chronicles adds one important detail not found in Kings, namely, the circumstances under which the manifestation of God's presence took place (2 Chron. 5:11-13).

City of David. The ark had been kept in a tent in the City of David (1 Chron. 16:1). The City of David was the lower, or southernmost, part of the city of Jerusalem--the old Jebusite stronghold of Zion captured by David, where he had his royal residence (2 Sam. 5:6-9; 1 Chron. 11:5, 7). The hill where the Temple was built was north of the Zion ridge. The ark had been brought to the City of David from the home of Obed-edom (2 Sam. 6:12, 16; 1 Chron. 15).

3. The feast. The Feast of Tabernacles, which was held following the dedication (see on ch. 7:8-10). This feast was a joyous occasion among the Hebrews (Lev. 23:39-43; cf. Neh. 8:14-18).

4. The Levites. The parallel passage reads, "the priests" (1 Kings 8:3). The record further states that "the priests brought in the ark" (2 Chron. 5:7). So "Levites" here must mean such Levites as were sons of Aaron and hence priests.

5. The tabernacle. The tabernacle was moved from Gibeon (see ch. 1:3; PK 38).

The priests and the Levites. The task of bearing the ark and the furniture of the tabernacle was assigned to the Kohathites (Num. 3:30, 31; Num. 4:4, 15). Aaron, whose sons were priests, was a descendant of Kohath (1 Chron. 6:2, 3, 54). See further on 1 Kings 8:3, 4.

6. Sacrificed sheep and oxen. The sacrifice on this occasion corresponded, on a grander scale, to the services on the occasion of David's transfer of the ark from the house of Obed-edom to the City of David (2 Sam. 6:13; 1 Chron. 15:26).

7. Cherubims. See ch. 3:11-13.

9. Drew out the staves. See on 1 Kings 8:8.

Unto this day. If the entire book of Chronicles was compiled after the Exile (see Introduction to Chronicles, pp. 115-117), the compiler here preserves a statement written before the destruction of the Temple (2 Kings 24:13; 25:9, 13-17) and the secreting of the ark in a cave (see PK 453).

10. Nothing in the ark. Only the two tables of stone containing the law of God were in the ark proper. The pot of manna and Aaron's rod were no longer there (see on 1 Kings 8:9).

Made a covenant. The law of God was the basis of the old covenant that God made with Israel at Horeb when they came out of Egypt (Ex. 19:5-8; 34:27, 28); and it was also the basis of the new covenant under which He promised to write His law upon the heart (Jer. 31:33, 34).

11. For all the priests. From this point onward, until the clause "for his mercy endureth for ever" (v. 13), the record is peculiar to Chronicles. Between the two clauses that form the halves of the short verse of 1 Kings 8:10 the record in Chronicles describes an important item, giving the exact details of the manifestation of the divine presence in the Temple.

Were sanctified. That is, they had ceremonially purified themselves so that they could take part in this solemn service (see 1 Chron. 15:12).

12. Arrayed. Compare 1 Chron. 15:27.

Cymbals. Compare 1 Chron. 15:28.

With trumpets. Compare 1 Chron. 15:24.

13. Praising and thanking. Music is a form of worship, and praise and thanksgiving are an important element of prayer. As the people raised their voices in joyous praise to God in grateful remembrance of His wonderful mercies to them, God drew near and a cloud filled the Temple.

14. Filled the house. Compare Ex. 40:35; Isa. 6:1-5; Luke 9:34.

Ellen G. White Comments

1-14PK 37-39

1-3PK 37

4-7PK 38

12, 13, 14 PK 38

2 Chronicles Chapter 6

1 Solomon, having blessed the people, blesseth God. 12 Solomon's prayer in the consecration of the temple, upon the brasen scaffold.

1. Then said Solomon. Chapter 6 deals with Solomon's earnest prayer at the dedication of the Temple. There is a close agreement between the prayer as here given and the record of it in 1 Kings 1:8. The only important differences are the inclusion of the explanatory clause (v. 13), which is not found in Kings, and the closing words of the prayer, v. 40-42, which are quite different from the closing words as recorded in 1 Kings 8:50-53. See on 1 Kings 1:8.

Thick darkness. Compare 1 Kings 8:12. When God drew near to His people He veiled His presence lest they be consumed by the brightness of His glory (see Ex. 20:18-21; Deut. 4:11; Ps. 18:9, 11).

2. Thy dwelling for ever. It was not God's plan that the Temple should be destroyed (see PP 46) or that the nation of Israel should come to an end. If Israel had remained true to the Lord, keeping His commandments and sharing the knowledge of God with the nations about, light would have gone out over the whole world which would have brought to all the peoples of earth an opportunity of salvation. In such a case the Temple would have been the world center of the worship of God and Jerusalem would have become the capital and metropolis of the world (DA 577).

5. Neither chose I. This sentence and the first half of v. 6 are not found in the parallel account in Kings.

6. Chosen Jerusalem. Being at the crossroads of the world, Jerusalem was ideally situated to become the world's leading city and a place of prayer for all men.

Chosen David. David is described as a man after God's own heart, who was chosen by God to fulfill all His will (Acts 13:22). David became king of Israel not because of personal ambition, but because of a direct call of God (1 Sam. 16:1).

7. In the heart of David. See on 1 Kings 8:17. There would be many more churches for the worship of God in the world today if only more of God's people had in their hearts a desire like David's to build stately temples for Him.

8. Thou didst well. See on 1 Kings 8:18.

9. Thou shalt not build. David did not become angry when the Lord disapproved of his purpose to build. Though disappointed, he reconciled himself to the divine purpose. Although not permitted to build the Temple himself, he continued his work of preparation as diligently as if he himself were to be the builder (see 1 Chron. 29:2-5).

11. The covenant. See on 2 Chron. 5:10; also on 1 Kings 8:21.

12. Before the altar. Solomon took his place before the altar, at first standing for the dedicatory address, but later kneeling for the consecration prayer (v. 13).

13. Made a brasen scaffold. This detail is not found in Kings. From this raised position Solomon would have a better view of the congregation, and the people, in turn, would have a better opportunity to view and hear their king.

Kneeled down. This detail is not mentioned in the account in Kings, but at the close of the prayer the record in Kings states that Solomon arose "from kneeling on his knees" (1 Kings 8:54). Though king of Israel, Solomon reverently bowed before the heavenly King. It was a mark of both the king's greatness and his humility thus publicly to acknowledge his lowly position before Him who is the great King of kings and Lord of lords.

14. Keepest covenant. Compare Deut. 7:9; Neh. 1:5; Ps. 89:2, 3; Isa. 55:3; Dan. 9:4.

15. Hast fulfilled it. By the time of the dedication of the Temple many of God's promises had already been fulfilled. The Lord had promised the land of Canaan to Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and now those promises were beginning to be realized. A son had been promised to David to succeed him on the throne, and now that promise had been fulfilled. The future before Israel was bright with promise and glory. God had demonstrated what He would do for His people if they would be loyal to Him.

16. Walk in my law. Solomon understood the importance of loyalty to God and obedience to His holy law. He knew of the glory and peace that might be if Israel remained faithful to God, and he knew also the sad results that transgression would bring. Thus Solomon's prayer became a sermon, presenting to the people a solemn and stirring appeal ever to remember God and to walk in His ways.

17. Be verified. Compare the request of David in 1 Chron. 17:23.

18. Dwell with men. How often frail man has asked himself the question: Will the great God of heaven dwell with the peoples of earth? To Moses, God gave the promise, "Certainly I will be with thee" (Ex. 3:12). That same promise was given to Jacob (Gen. 31:3, 5; Gen. 48:15). The psalmist said with confidence, "Yea, though I walk through the valley of the shadow of death, I will fear no evil: for thou art with me" (Ps. 23:4). Jesus gave the promise, "Lo, I am with you alway, even unto the end of the world" (Matt. 28:20). To everyone who opens the door, God extends the promise: "I will come in to him, and will sup with him, and he with me" (Rev. 3:20). In every part of the earth men have come to realize that God will indeed dwell with men. All who will, may right here in this world enjoy the companionship of Heaven.

Cannot contain thee. God is greater than all the universe He has made. The heaven of heavens cannot contain Him! How much less a temple made with the hands of men! Man's great need is to learn to be humble and still, and to walk before God in reverence and holy fear.

21. Thy dwelling place. Heaven is God's true dwelling place, yet He deigned to dwell with men on earth. (Ex. 25:8).

Forgive. See Ps. 103:12; Isa. 43:25; 44:22; Jer. 50:20.

24. Put to the worse. Those who sin against God forfeit divine protection and are at the mercy of the enemy and the forces of darkness. Moses clearly foretold that if Israel sinned they would fall before their enemies (Lev. 26:14, 17; Deut. 28:15, 25).

26. No rain. See on 1 Kings 8:35; cf. Joel 1:18-20.

28. Pestilence. See on 1 Kings 8:37, 38.

31. Walk in thy ways. Solomon did not pray for judgments, but if these came, he asked the Lord that they might arouse the people and turn them from their evil ways. God allows judgments to come to bring men to righteousness (see Isa. 26:9).

32. The stranger. Solomon prayed not only for Israel but for strangers afar. It was God's will not only that Israel be saved but that all the peoples of the earth come to know Him and to walk in the ways of righteousness.

33. All people. See on v. 32.

36. If they sin. The nation of Israel was now young, virile, and strong. But the possibility existed that someday the people might forsake the Lord and be carried away captive into some foreign land. Solomon prayed earnestly that God would remember them at such a tragic hour.

37. Bethink themselves. Both the spirit of wisdom and the voice of God invite sinners to bethink themselves. "Come now, and let us reason together, saith the Lord" (Isa 1:18).

38. If they return. God earnestly invites those who have strayed to return to Him. There are forgiveness and life for those who accept the divine invitation to return (see Rev. 22:17).

39. Then hear thou. The Israelites sinned and went into captivity, but God looked upon them in mercy, and promised a restoration on the basis of their repentance.

40. Now, my God. Verse 40 is similar to 1 Kings 8:52, but vs. 41, 42 are not found in the parallel record in Kings. The conclusion of Solomon's prayer reported in Chronicles is different from that reported in Kings. Evidently both writers give the prayer of dedication in a somewhat abbreviated form, probably not verbatim, but in substance.

41. Arise, O Lord. This was a specific invitation for God to come and take up His abode in the house that Solomon had built.

Ellen G. White Comments

1-42PK 39-42

1-6PK 39

7 PK 65

13 PK 39; SR 194

14, 18-21, 24, 25 PK 40

26-33PK 41

33 PK 68

34-42PK 42

2 Chronicles Chapter 7

1 God having given testimony to Solomon's prayer by fire from heaven, and glory in the temple, the people worship him. 4 Solomon's solemn sacrifice. 8 Solomon having kept the feast of tabernacles, and the feast of the dedication of the altar, dismisseth the people. 12 God appearing to Solomon giveth him promises upon condition.

1. Fire came down. God gave an outward token to signify that Solomon's prayer had been heard and that He would honor the Temple with His presence. On a number of previous occasions the Lord had made His presence manifest in a similar manner (see Lev. 9:24; Judges 6:21; 1 Chron. 21:26).

Filled the house. See on 1 Kings 8:10, 11.

3. Bowed. The Israelites were greatly impressed with the holiness and glory of God, and instinctively bowed before Him in adoration and praise.

His mercy endureth. Compare ch. 5:13. This refrain occurs also in David's psalm of praise sung when the ark was brought to Jerusalem (1 Chron. 16:34). Compare the song of the Levites and singers who went before the forces of Jehoshaphat against the enemy (2 Chron. 20:21).

4. Offered sacrifices. Verses 4-10, dealing with Solomon's sacrifices and the festival which followed, are parallel to 1 Kings 8:62-66.

5. Twenty and two thousand oxen. According to 1 Kings 8:63 this was a "sacrifice of peace offerings." Peace offerings were sacrificed on festive occasions, when priests and people united together in seasons of holy joy, giving thanks to God and praising Him for His goodness and blessing. The greater part of the animal sacrificed as a peace offering was eaten by the offerer, his family, and his friends.

6. Instruments of musick. Compare 1 Chron. 23:5.

7. Solomon hallowed. Since the brazen altar was not large enough to accommodate the large number of sacrifices, the entire middle of the Temple court was consecrated to serve as a huge altar.

8. The feast. This was the Feast of Tabernacles, which lasted 7 days, normally beginning with the 15th day of the 7th month (see Lev. 23:34-36; PK 45).

Entering in of Hamath. See on 1 Kings 8:65.

9. The eighth day. The eight day from the beginning of the Feast of Tabernacles, in harmony with Lev. 23:36, 39, was the 22d day of the 7th month (see on v. 10).

Seven days, ... seven days. If the 7 days of dedication lasted from the 10th to the 16th of the 7th month, inclusive, and if the observance of the feast for 7 more days ran from the 16th to the 22d (see 1 Kings 8:65), then the "eighth" day, following the second 7-day period, would be the 23d (see on v. 10).

10. Three and twentieth. Compare 1 Kings 8:66, where the statement is made that the people were sent away on the 8th day. Beginning the second 7 days with the 16th day of the month, the day after the Feast of Tabernacles normally began, the 8th day would be the 23d of the month, with which it is equated by these texts. In that case the prolonged celebration of the dedication of the Temple would have embraced and extended beyond the normal period of the Feast of Tabernacles.

Into their tents. That is, to their homes. See on 1 Kings 8:66.

Glad and merry in heart. True religion brings joy. The Israelites had had a happy season together at the dedication of the Temple and at the Feast of Tabernacles. In singing praises to God and in remembering His loving-kindness to them, they experienced a type of joy that no pleasures of the world can ever bring. When a man truly loves God and worships Him in spirit and in truth, he finds fullness of peace and joy. It is well for a people and well for their rulers when they can find such happiness and contentment of heart. A king has little to fear when such is the spirit of his people. The solution of the problems of the world cannot be found so long as the people of the world do not find their peace and joy in the Lord. The best remedy for faultfinding or strife among brethren is for them to keep so close to the Lord that they will be constantly rejoicing in His mercies.

11. Finished the house. See on 1 Kings 9:1.

Prosperously effected. Solomon successfully accomplished all that he set out to do.

12. Appeared to Solomon. Verses 12-22 narrate the response of the Lord to Solomon's prayer of dedication. Verses 13-15 are not found in the parallel narrative of 1 Kings 9:1-9. The account here is somewhat fuller than it is in Kings. According to 1 Kings 9:2 the Lord appeared to Solomon "the second time." God first appeared to Solomon in a visit by night at Gibeon (2 Chron. 1:7; 1 Kings 3:5).

Have chosen. From this point on to the end of v. 15, Chronicles presents material that is not found in Kings. The site on Mt. Moriah, memorable as the place where Abraham made the supreme demonstration of his faith by his willingness to offer up his own son, and hallowed by the appearance of the angel to stay the plague upon Jerusalem (1 Chron. 21:15-18), was chosen as the place where the Temple should be built.

13. Shut up heaven. Compare 2 Chron. 6:26; Deut. 11:17. God supplies the earth with rain (Matt. 5:45). At various times, when men have turned away from God to serve false gods, He has removed His blessing and drought and famine have been the result (1 Kings 17:1; 2 Kings 8:1).

Locusts. Compare 2 Chron. 6:28; Ex. 10:14, 15; Joel 1:4.

Send pestilence. Compare 2 Chron. 6:28; Deut. 28:20-22; 1 Chron. 21:14; Jer. 24:10. Satan brings sickness and pain upon men when God permits (Job 2:4-7).

14. Humble themselves. God's desire for sinners is that they should humble themselves, forsake their sins, and turn to Him and live. God takes no delight in the suffering and death of the wicked, and urgently calls upon sinners to repent and turn from their transgressions, that iniquity shall not be their ruin (Isa. 1:18-20; Jer. 25:5; Eze. 18:30-32; Hosea 6:1).

15. Shall be open. This is what Solomon had prayed for (ch. 6:40), and God's answer follows the exact words of Solomon's petition.

16. For ever. When God chose Jerusalem, it was with the purpose that His name might be there forever (see on 2 Chron. 6:2; 1 Kings 9:5). Because of human failure that purpose was thwarted. It will ultimately be fulfilled in the heavenly Jerusalem, the city of the living God, descended to earth, where God will take up His abode with His people forever (Rev. 21:1-3).

17. If thou wilt. God is no respecter of persons. He desires obedience and blesses those who are faithful to Him. But His promises are conditional. God cannot bless those who refuse to walk in the pathway of blessing (see on Kings 9:4). Solomon well knew that the way of obedience to God's commands was the pathway of life (Prov. 3:1, 2).

18. Covenanted with David. See on 2 Sam. 7:12-16; cf. 1 Kings 2:4; 6:12.

20. Pluck them up. Compare Lev. 26:14, 24-33; Deut. 28:15, 36, 37, 64. The writer of Kings says, "Then will I cut off Israel out of the land which I have given them" (1 Kings 9:7). When Israel disobeyed the Lord, they brought desolation and woe upon themselves, and were taken away as captives to Assyria (2 Kings 17:20-23) and to Babylon (2 Chron. 36:17-20).

Out of my sight. The glorious Temple that Solomon had built would be cast away as something utterly worthless if Israel should forsake the Lord. Earthly glory rapidly fades. Israel failed, and the once-magnificent Temple was sacked and thrown down (2 Kings 25:9).

A proverb. The parallel passage reads: "And Israel shall be a proverb and a by-word among all people" (1 Kings 9:7). These prophecies concerning the house and the people have had a remarkable fulfillment. Solomon's Temple has disappeared and is only a proverb today, and the sad fate suffered by the nation of Israel is striking testimony to the tragic effects of sin.

22. Brought them forth. It was base ingratitude and treachery for Israel to turn away from the Lord, who had wrought such a marvelous deliverance for them in Egypt and who had established them in the Promised Land. Israel foolishly turned from a God who was everything and could do everything for His people to gods who were nothing and could do nothing (see on Kings 9:9).

Ellen G. White Comments

1-22PK 45-47

1 PK 335

1-5, 8-10PK 45

11 PK 37

12-18PK 45

13, 14 PK 128

14 PK 335

16 SR 195

20, 22 PK 47

2 Chronicles Chapter 8

1 Solomon's buildings. 7 The Gentiles which were left Solomon made tributaries; but the Israelites rulers. 11 Pharaoh's daughter removeth to her house. 12 Solomon's yearly solemn sacrifices. 14 He appointeth the priests and Levites to their places. 17 The navy fetcheth gold from Ophir.

1. It came to pass. Chapter 8 deals with Solomon's building activities, his offerings, priestly appointments, and ships at Ezion-geber. The parallel, though not identical, record of Solomon's enterprises is found in Kings 9:10-28.

Twenty years. Solomon began to build the Temple in his fourth year; the task occupied 7 years (1 Kings 6:1, 38). The following 13 years Solomon devoted to the task of the construction of his palace (1 Kings 7:1).

2. Huram had restored. Solomon gave Hiram 20 cities in Galilee in return for timber and gold, but Hiram was displeased with the payment (see on 1 Kings 9:11-13). It is thought that he may have returned the cities to Solomon, and that these are the cities Solomon now rebuilt.

To dwell there. The cities, being on the border of Tyre, were chiefly inhabited by Gentiles, but Solomon now colonized them with Israelites.

3. Hamath-zobah. Hamath was an important country north of Zobah and Damascus. David had previously smitten this region "as he went to stablish his dominion by the river Euphrates" (1 Chron. 18:3). Solomon's conquest of Hamath is not mentioned in 1 Kings 9.

4. Tadmor. This may have been the important city of Palmyra, in the Arabian Desert; however, see on 1 Kings 9:18.

The store cities. These were probably fortified by Solomon and provided with stores for troops, to serve as outposts against hostile peoples in the north. They would constitute an advance supply base.

5. Beth-horon. The two Beth-horons were twin towns in the pass to the central highlands between the Valley of Aijalon and the city of Gibeon (see on 1 Kings 9:17).

6. Baalath. see on 1 Kings 9:18. This town has not yet been identified.

The account in Chronicles does not mention such places as Hazor, Megiddo, and Gezer, where Solomon carried on important building activities, or such items as Solomon's forced levy for the building of the Temple and the palace, and his work on Millo and the wall of Jerusalem. For these items see on 1 Kings 9:15-17. On the other hand, Chronicles mentions some items that are not found in the account in Kings.

7. That were left. Verses 7, 8 deal with the question of the forced labor Solomon imposed upon the Canaanites (see on 1 Kings 9:21).

8. Tribute. This tribute was paid in labor. When the land was first taken by the Israelites, the inhabitants of the land were placed under tribute and were kept under subjection as long as Israel was strong (Judges 1:28). David placed many of the non-Israelite inhabitants under forced labor to serve in his preparations for the building of the Temple (1 Chron. 22:2).

9. Make no servants. See on 1 Kings 9:22.

10. Two hundred and fifty. For an explanation of the seeming discrepancy between this figure and the 550 "chief of the officers" reported in Kings see on 1 Kings 9:23.

11. Daughter of Pharaoh. Solomon's marriage to the Egyptian princess was in direct violation of the command of God (Deut. 17:17). The fact that she was converted and that she joined her husband in the worship of God (see PK 53) did not justify the disregard for the divine requirements. The seemingly advantageous alliance thus formed with Egypt led to more alliances with surrounding nations. Marriages were entered into with heathen princesses that finally led Solomon away from God and into idolatry. More and more he wandered into the ways of the world, seeking for grandeur and glory, and forsaking the principles of righteousness. From a wise, God-fearing king, Solomon degenerated into a foolish, ambitious, oppressive tyrant. On the removal of the residence of the daughter of Pharaoh from the vicinity of the Temple see on 1 Kings 9:24.

12. Offered burnt offerings. There is no reason to suppose that Solomon personally acted as priest in offering burnt offerings to the Lord (see on 1 Kings 9:25). The king evidently went no further than any of the common people and permitted the priests to perform such functions as were exclusively theirs according to law (Lev. 1:7, 8, 11; Lev. 2:2, 9, 16; Lev. 3:11, 16; Num. 16:1-7, 17-40).

14. Order of David. Compare 1 Chron. 24.

The man of God. This phrase is the common designation in Kings for a prophet (1 Kings 12:22; 13:1, 26; etc.). In Chronicles the expression is found less frequently but is applied to Moses (1 Chron. 23:14), David (2 Chron. 8:14), and an unnamed prophet (2 Chron. 25:7, 9).

15. Of the king. That is, of David. David had established the regulations concerning the priests, Levites, singers, and treasury (1 Chron. 24:1 to 26:32).

16. Unto the day. The LXX Syriac, and Targums read "from the day." The word translated "prepared" may also be translated "set up," "established," "arranged," or "settled." The translation of the KJV, supported by the Hebrew, suggests that Solomon's work of preparation was divided into two periods, namely, the preparations that were made before the foundation of the Temple, and the preparations made from that time to the completion of the Temple.

17. Ezion-geber. Solomon extended his activities as far as this port at the head of the Gulf of Aqabah. He built and operated a navy based there (see on 1 Kings 9:26).

18. Huram sent. See on 1 Kings 9:27, 28.

Ellen G. White Comments

4, 5 PK 71

18 Ed 49, 54; PK 72; 7T 217

2 Chronicles Chapter 9

1 The queen of Sheba admireth the wisdom of Solomon. 13 Solomon's gold. 15 His targets. 17 The throne of ivory. 20 His vessels. 23 His presents. 25 His chariots and horse. 26 His tributes. 29 His reign and death.

1. Queen of Sheba. Verses 1-12 deal with the visit of the queen of Sheba. The narrative is parallel to 1 Kings 10:1-13, with only slight variations in the two accounts. Modern archaeologists now generally place Sheba in southern Arabia (see on 1 Kings 10:1).

4. Ascent. Heb. Ôaliyyah, "a roof chamber." However, the reading should probably be Ôolah as in 1 Kings 10:5. ÔOlah may be translated "burnt offering." Since Ôolah is, literally, "that which goes up," some think that a causeway may be indicated, such as one providing the king with a private way from his palace to the Temple (see 1 Chron. 26:16; see on 1 Kings 10:5).

7. Thy servants. When masters are servants of the Lord of heaven, those who are in their service will find happiness. At this time Solomon had not yet forsaken the Lord, but was devoted to His service. He loved God and had compassion on men. With the peace of God in his heart, Solomon was kind, patient, and considerate. Men close to him felt the spell of his influence. The great need of today is for leaders who reflect the spirit of Heaven, that those under their guidance may find true joy and lasting happiness.

8. Blessed be the Lord. See on 1 Kings 10:9. After Solomon told the queen of Sheba the secret of his wisdom, peace, and prosperity, she was led to extol not the king but God. If Solomon had always remained true to the Lord, his influence would have continued to go out to the world for good, and many who had not known God would have been led to give honor to Him. From Jerusalem a light might thus have gone out to all the world which would have brought men out of all lands from darkness to light.

God loved Israel. The queen of Sheba had learned of God's love for His people from the witness that came from Solomon's lips. No doubt Solomon related to the queen the history of God's marvelous dealings with Israel, and she returned to her native land with a deep impression on her heart of the greatness of Israel's God.

9. Hundred and twenty talents. If these were talents of about 75 lb. (34 kg.; see Vol. I, p. 164), the weight of gold would be 4.5 tons (4.1 metric tons); however, we cannot be sure what scale of weights was here used. The earthly treasure that the queen of Sheba left with Solomon was of small moment as compared with the heavenly treasure that had opened to her.

10. Servants also of Huram. The parallel passage in 1 Kings 10:11 reads, "The navy also of Hiram."

Gold from Ophir. See on 1 Kings 10:11.

11. Algum trees. These trees cannot now be identified with any degree of certainty (see on ch. 2:8).

Terraces. Heb. mesilloth, "highways." The parallel passage (1 Kings 10:12) has misÔad, "pillars," which should perhaps be read here also (see on 1 Kings 10:12).

12. Which she had brought. The parallel passage (1 Kings 10:13) reads instead, "which Solomon gave her of his royal bounty." Solomon gave to the queen return presents. The giving was not all on one side. Solomon was as generous as his visitor, and gave gifts to her, perhaps of a value equal to or even greater than those which she had given to him.

13. Six hundred and threescore and six. For an attempted evaluation of this amount see on 1 Kings 10:14. Verses 13-28 deal with Solomon's income, treasures, foreign trade, horses, and chariots. The parallel section is 1 Kings 10:14-29; 4:26.

14. Chapmen. Heb. 'anshe hattarim, translated "merchantmen" in 1 Kings 10:15. Tarim is from tur, which means "to seek out," "to spy out," "to explore," and probably denotes a merchant as one who seeks out or explores. The word translated "merchants" is from a root meaning "to travel about."

15. Targets. Heb. s\innah, large shields (see on 1 Kings 10:16).

Six hundred shekels. Possibly about 15 lb. (6.8 kg.). Shields of gold would probably not be used for protection in battle, but for display. Gold was extensively employed for display in the ancient Orient. The king of Ur had a helmet of gold. In Egypt royal coffins were made of gold.

16. Shields. Heb. maginnim, shields, evidently smaller than the sinnah (v. 15). There is a suggestion that the royal bodyguard in later years comprised 500 men in the fact that 5 "captains of hundreds" are mentioned who were presumably in command of the palace guards (ch. 23:1). That these guards were divided into two groups, one of 200 men and another of 300 men, is hinted in 2 Kings 11:5-7, 9, 10, where three parts, or companies, are named as those "that enter in on the sabbath," or were on guard on the Sabbath, and two were those "that go forth on the sabbath." If these deductions are correct, the 200 "targets" and the 300 "shields" may have been worn by the royal bodyguard at certain state functions. Solomon's personal bodyguard is described as consisting of 60 men on a particular occasion when the king's litter was carried through the streets of Jerusalem in magnificent display (S. of Sol. 3:7-10, margin).

Three hundred shekels. Probably about 71/2 lb. (3.4 kg.).

House of the forest. The golden shields were evidently not often used and on normal occasions were hung in the house of the forest of Lebanon.

17. Throne of ivory. See on 1 Kings 10:18-20.

18. Stays. Presumably arms at the sides of the throne, which were possibly supported by lions.

20. Vessels of the house. The fact that there were such vessels of gold in the house of the forest of Lebanon has led some to believe that this building was used for banqueting purposes. For a description of this building see on 1 Kings 7:2-6.

None were of silver. Compare v. 27.

21. Tarshish. See on the parallel passage, 1 Kings 10:22, which reads: "For the king had at sea a navy of Tharshish."

22. Riches. See on 1 Kings 10:23.

23. All the kings. See on 1 Kings 10:24.

24. A rate year by year. The kings who were in vassalage to Solomon (v. 26) were required to bring a fixed annual tribute (see on 1 Kings 10:25).

25. Stalls. See on 1 Kings 4:26.

26. Over all. See on 1 Kings 4:21.

28. Out of Egypt. See on 1 Kings 10:28; 2 Chron. 1:16.

29. Rest of the acts. Verses 29-31 close the narrative of Solomon's reign. The statements concerning Solomon's many wives, his wandering after strange gods, the adversaries whom the Lord stirred up against him, and the prediction of the disruption of his kingdom found in 1 Kings 11:1-40 do not appear in Chronicles.

Are they not written? A number of important records that dealt with the life and times of Solomon are here named. These sources doubtless contained many items that were not incorporated in a summary history such as Chronicles.

Ahijah the Shilonite. For incidents in the life of this prophet see 1 Kings 11:29-39; 14:2-18.

30. Forty years. Compare 1 Kings 11:42.

31. Slept with his fathers. Verses 29-31 exhibit a typical official closing formula henceforth used in the records of the various kings (see on 1 Kings 11:43).

Ellen G. White Comments

1 PK 66

2-6PK 67

21 Ed 49; PK 54; 7T 217

23 PK 47, 67

27 PK 54

28 PK 56

2 Chronicles Chapter 10

1 The Israelites, assembled at Shechem to crown Rehoboam, by Jeroboam make a suit of relaxation unto him. 6 Rehoboam, refusing the old men's counsel, by the advice of young men answereth them roughly. 16 Ten tribes revolting kill Hadoram, and make Rehoboam to flee.

1. Rehoboam went. Chapter 10 deals with the revolt of Jeroboam. The comparable record is 1 Kings 12:1-19. The differences in the two accounts are few and unimportant.

Shechem. On the possible reason for Rehoboam's choice of the city of Shechem as the place for his coronation see on 1 Kings 12:1.

2. Who was in Egypt. The chronicler had not previously referred to Jeroboam's flight to Egypt (see 1 Kings 11:26-40), and that is probably why he did not say that Jeroboam "was yet in Egypt," as did the writer of Kings.

3. Called him. Some think that this means that he was called, not from Egypt, since he had already returned (see v. 2), but from Ephraim (see on 1 Kings 12:3). He was called to Shechem, where the tribes had assembled to consider making Rehoboam king.

4. Grievous servitude. The people had just reason for complaint, for Solomon's extensive program of public works had produced a heavy weight of taxation and an unwelcome draft of forced labor (1 Kings 5:13, 14). The request was entirely fair, and both justice and prudence called for the new king's giving due consideration to the matter now set before him.

7. If thou be kind. There is no better rule of government than kindness. In the home and in the school, in the shop and in the field, kindness warms the heart and makes friends. If Rehoboam had treated his people kindly, showing them that as their king he was there only to serve them and look after their welfare, he would have won their hearts and saved his kingdom.

8. The old men. Wisdom increases with years and experience. Young men need the counsel of their elders and invite trouble and disaster when they despise the sound counsel of the hoary head.

10. The young men. The counsel of Rehoboam's young advisers came not from kind hearts or wise heads. The reply they suggested was couched in severe and uncompromising terms that could only invite retaliation and revolt.

11. Scorpions. These small animals with stings in their tails that inflict severe pain seem here to be used as a figure of a whip probably provided with sharp pieces of metal that made its use particularly painful and cruel. Thus Rehoboam was telling the people that he would treat them with greater severity than his father. Throughout the ages there have been those who thought that government must be by power rather than by kindness and mercy and that peoples can be held in subjection by brute force. But the verdict of history has always been to the contrary.

13. Roughly. The king showed no consideration for the feelings of his subjects and displayed none of the Spirit of Christ, but spoke as a hardened Oriental despot. The purpose was, of course, to make a show of strength, but in effect he was giving only a pitiful demonstration of weakness and folly. Harsh words lead to harsh acts, while kind words from kind hearts lead to submission and obedience, to cooperation and tranquillity.

15. Of God. See on ch. 11:4.

16. Would not hearken. Wise kings have ears that are attuned to the voices of their subjects. When Rehoboam took the throne his first task should have been to ascertain the needs of his people and to endeavor to right previous wrongs. By his unwillingness to hearken, the king invited revolt and made himself responsible for the rebellion that followed.

The son of Jesse. Only a few short years before, David had been a national hero. Now, because of the folly of his offspring, his name was detested in Israel, and the northern tribes were determined to go their own way, independent of the south.

Thine own house. The tribes were saying in effect, "And now, David, take care of your own affairs in your own country, and we will take care of ours." These were words of defiance and revolt. The die had been cast. The house of David was henceforth to rule over only a section of the country--chiefly over David's own tribe of Judah, and Benjamin--while the bulk of the tribes would go their own independent way under their own rulers.

17. The cities of Judah. In view of the fact that Rehoboam was of the tribe of Judah it would only be natural that under circumstances such as these, where the other tribes rejected his leadership, his own tribe should remain loyal to him. Whether or not Solomon may have spared his own tribe a measure of the heavy taxes and forced labor he levied upon Israel as a whole, is not known. If so, this would have provided them with an additional incentive to support him.

Ellen G. White Comments

1-19PK 87-91

1, 2 PK 87

3-7PK 89

4 PK 55; 4T 628; 7T 218

2 Chronicles Chapter 11

1 Rehoboam raising an army to subdue Israel, is forbidden by Shemaiah. 5 He strengtheneth his kingdom with forts and provision. 13 The priests and Levites, and such as feared God, forsaken by Jeroboam, strengthen the kingdom of Judah. 18 The wives and children of Rehoboam.

1. Judah and Benjamin. The tribes of Judah and Benjamin now constituted the southern monarchy, which is usually called the nation of Judah. The tribe of Benjamin had formerly been more closely allied with the tribe of Ephraim, but it seems that the establishment of the capital at Jerusalem, on the border of Benjamin, was at least one factor influencing Benjamin to cast in its lot with Judah (see on 1 Kings 12:21).

Hundred and fourscore thousand. This is a moderate number, and probably represents the available trained men of war in the two southern tribes. At the time of the entrance into Canaan, Judah had 76,500 men, and Benjamin, 45,600 (Num. 26:22, 41), or a total of 122,100 males of military age. In David's time Judah had 500,000 men (2 Sam. 24:9). The military forces of the kingdom of Judah as given in Chronicles numbered 400,000 at the time of Abijah (2 Chron. 13:3), 580,000 under Asa (ch. 14:8), and 1,160,000 under Jehoshaphat (ch. 17:14-18).

2. Shemaiah. A prophet of Judah during the reign of Rehoboam (see ch. 12:5-8, 15).

3. All Israel in Judah. The reference here is possibly to members of northern tribes now dwelling in the territory of Judah and Benjamin, but not necessarily (see on 1 Kings 12:17).

4. Done of me. See on 1 Kings 12:15. It was not, of course, God's will that David's kingdom should be divided into two monarchies. God's will was that the Israelites should walk in His ways and continue to grow until by their missionary efforts they had proclaimed His name to all the earth. But when the Israelites walked in their own ways and forsook the Lord, His protecting hand was withdrawn, and forces of disruption inevitably had their way. It was to this extent that the division of the kingdom was from God (see Ed 173-177).

5. Cities for defence. Verses 5-12 deal with Rehoboam's building of cities of defense in Judah. This material is not found in Kings. The cities mentioned are in the southern and western part of the country, which suggests that they were fortified as a protection against Egypt. Aggressive policies under Shishak (see 2 Chron. 12:2-9; 1 Kings 14:25, 26) were responsible for these defensive measures.

6. Beth-lehem. A town about 5 mi. (8 km.) south of Jerusalem (see on Gen. 35:19).

Etam. A town about 21/2 mi. (4 km.) southwest of Bethlehem.

Tekoa. A town 5 mi. (8 km.) south of Bethlehem (see 1 Chron. 2:24; 4:5; 2 Sam. 14:2, 4, 9; 2 Chron. 20:20; Amos 1:1).

7. Beth-zur. A town in the hill country of Judah (Joshua 15:58), 4 mi. (6.4 km.) north of Hebron.

Shoco. A town about 14 mi. (22.5 km.) west-southwest of Bethlehem (see 2 Chron. 28:18; Joshua 15:35; 1 Sam. 17:1).

Adullam. A fortress, mentioned in the times of David (1 Sam. 22:1), and again at a later period (Neh. 11:30; Micah 1:15). Adullam bordered on the Shephelah.

8. Gath. A city in the Philistine country and usually under Philistine control (1 Kings 2:39-41; Amos 6:2).

Mareshah. A town in the Shephelah (see Joshua 15:44). It was here that Asa defeated Zerah the Ethiopian (see on 2 Chron. 14:9, 10).

Ziph. A place in the south of Judah (see Joshua 15:24).

9. Adoraim. Probably to be identified with DuÆraµ, hill village about 5 mi. (8 km.) west of Hebron.

Lachish. An important town in the lowland of Judah (see Joshua 15:39; 2 Kings 14:19; 18:14; Micah 1:13), about 25 mi. southwest of Jerusalem.

Azekah. A town northeast of Lachish, in the Shephelah of Judah (see Joshua 10:10, 11; 1 Sam. 17:1; Neh. 11:30).

10. Zorah. A town in Dan (see Joshua 15:33; 19:41; Judges 13:2, 25; 16:31; 18:2, 11; Neh. 11:29).

Aijalon. A town 14 mi. (22.4 km.) northwest of Jerusalem. It was originally assigned to Dan (Joshua 19:42), and was designated as a Levitical city for the Kohathites (Joshua 21:20, 24).

Hebron. An important city about 19 mi. (30.4 km.) south-southwest of Jerusalem (see Gen. 23:2; 1 Chron. 3:1; 6:55, 57; 11:1).

11. Store of victual. Not only were these cities fortified: they were supplied with stores of food so as to be ready to withstand a prolonged siege.

13. Priests and the Levites. Evicted from their office, the priests and Levites forsook the northern kingdom and made their way to the south, where they could participate in the worship of Jehovah in His Temple.

14. Suburbs. That is, the grazing lands around the cities (see Lev. 25:34; Num. 35:2-5, 7; see on Joshua 14:4).

Their possession. Compare Lev. 25:29-34.

Cast them off. As a matter of policy Jeroboam established a service of religion, with centers of worship, that would be entirely distinct from the service of Jehovah in Jerusalem (1 Kings 12:26-33). Thus he hoped to wean his subjects away from their attachment to the capital in the south.

15. Ordained him priests. By the appointment of priests of his own, Jeroboam cut off the Levites from their services in connection with the worship of Jehovah and struck a direct blow at the Levitical order and all that it stood for in helping to maintain the worship of God (see PK 101).

High places. Dan and Bethel were the two chief centers of worship in the northern kingdom (1 Kings 12:29-31), but there were also high places throughout the land where the rites of the new religion were carried on (see 1 Kings 13:32).

For the devils. God regards the base forms of idol worship as the worship of demons (see Deut. 32:17; Ps. 106:37, 38; 1 Cor. 10:20). Jeroboam's religious policy opened the way for corrupt forms of idolatry to be introduced into Israel which debased the people and led them even further away from God.

16. After them. That is, after the priests and Levites who went to Judah and Jerusalem (vs. 13, 14).

Came to Jerusalem. These people moved their residence to Judah. Their purpose in leaving Israel and going to Judah was that they might have the opportunity of worshiping at Jerusalem. It was Jeroboam's policy to prevent visits to Jerusalem for purposes of worship. At the time of Asa there again was a migration of faithful worshipers of Jehovah to the southern kingdom (ch. 15:9).

17. Strengthened the kingdom. The influx of the priests and of devout worshipers of God into Judah doubtless had the effect of bringing about a greater earnestness in the religious life of the southern kingdom, and contributed to the moral strength of the nation.

Three years. The exodus of worshipers of Jehovah from the northern kingdom took place during the first three years of Rehoboam's reign, while he was faithful to the principles of right (see ch. 12:1).

18. Jerimoth. He is not elsewhere named among the sons of David's wives (2 Sam. 3:2-5; 5:14-16; 1 Chron. 3:1-9; 14:4-7). But he may have been the son of one of David's concubines (1 Chron. 3:9).

Daughter of Eliab. Probably the granddaughter. The Hebrew word for daughter may also stand for more distant descendants (see on 1 Chron. 2:7). The daughter of David's eldest brother (1 Sam. 17:13) could hardly have become the wife of David's grandson.

20. Daughter of Absalom. Maachah was probably the granddaughter (see on v. 18) of Absalom, since Tamar was his only daughter (see on 1 Kings 15:2).

23. Dealt wisely. By dispersing his sons throughout Judah, where they no doubt filled positions of responsibility and developed local interests apart from the throne, Rehoboam wisely furthered the interests of his realm.

Desired many wives. A numerous harem was regarded as one of the marks of royalty and wealth. It was nevertheless disapproved of God (Deut. 17:17).

Ellen G. White Comments

1-17PK 91-93

5 PK 92

11, 12, 16, 17 PK 93

2 Chronicles Chapter 12

1 Rehoboam, forsaking the Lord, is punished by Shishak. 5 He and the princes, repenting at the preaching of Shemaiah, are delivered from destruction, but not from spoil. 13 The reign and death of Rehoboam.

1. Forsook the law. This evidently occurred after Rehoboam's third year (ch. 11:17). The evils of Rehoboam's reign are set forth in greater detail in Kings. There it is stated that the people established high places, images, and groves, and that other abominations, such as the degrading practices of the sodomites, were encouraged (see on 1 Kings 14:22-24).

2. Shishak. Verses 2-12 give the account of Shishak's invasion in much fuller form than the parallel account in 1 Kings 14:25-28. Shishak has left his own account of this invasion on the wall of the great temple to Amen at Karnak in which he lists names of cities of Judah and Israel (see on 1 Kings 14:25.

3. Twelve hundred chariots. These interesting details as to the size and composition of the Egyptian army are not mentioned in Kings.

Lubims. Or Libyans, inhabitants of a territory in North Africa, west of Egypt. The people of this region frequently infiltrated into Egypt, mingled with the Egyptians, and served as mercenary troops. Shishak, or Sheshonk I, was the first king of a dynasty of Libyan kings who ruled over Egypt probably about 950-750 B.C. The Libyans are also mentioned in 2 Chron. 16:8; Nahum 3:9; Dan. 11:43 (see Vol. II, p. 50).

The Sukkiims. These people have not been identified. They seem to have been some minor North African tribe.

Ethiopians. Literally, Cushites. Cush was the general name for the region lying south of Egypt proper corresponding roughly to the Sudan, or Nubia. In the classical period the term Ethiopia was applied to this region. This identification must not be confused with modern Ethiopia, which is farther to the south and east.

4. The fenced cities. The towns that Rehoboam had fortified seem to have been among those that fell to Shishak. The names of only two of these, Socoh and Aijalon (ch. 11:7, 10), are now legible on the Karnak inscription (see on v. 2).

5. Shemaiah. The narrative of Shemaiah's message to Rehoboam and the princes of Judah does not appear in Kings. The writer of Chronicles frequently points out the sad results of transgression and the blessings of obedience.

Gathered together. As the smaller cities were being taken, the princes of Judah fell back to Jerusalem.

Left you. This statement reveals the method by which the Lord frequently deals with transgression. When His people forsake Him and fall into sin, the Lord withdraws His protecting hand, and the forces of evil are permitted to do their part in bringing judgment upon evil (see PP 428, 429).

6. Humbled themselves. When threatened with judgment, proud Nineveh humbled itself and was accorded mercy by the Lord (Jonah 3:5-10). So also judgment brought Judah to its knees and to repentance.

The Lord is righteous. The people acknowledged that the Lord was just in permiting the judgments they deserved to come upon them.

7. When the Lord saw. The Lord does not delight in the suffering that transgressors bring upon themselves, but is ever watching to see whether they will turn themselves from their iniquities so that the threatened judgments may be removed (see Eze. 18:30-32).

Some deliverance. Judgment in considerable measure had already fallen. The Lord would now grant deliverance to a remnant, and would not bring upon them the complete destruction that their iniquities deserved (see 2 Chron. 12:12; Ezra 9:13; Isa. 1:9).

Upon Jerusalem. Because the people repented, the threat of immediate destruction of Jerusalem was withdrawn. However, the menace of destruction still hung over the city, and would ultimately be carried out if the people persisted in iniquity.

8. May know my service. That is that they might know the difference between having the Lord as a Master and having the hand of some heathen king over them. The Lord wanted them to experience the terrible tyranny into which a man sells himself when he wanders away from God and enters the pathways of sin.

9. Took away the treasures. The Temple treasures gathered by David and Solomon and dedicated to the Lord now fell into the hands of a heathen king. By their sin the professed children of God brought reproach not only upon themselves but also upon God.

10. Chief of the guard. The shields of gold were presumably for the use of the royal bodyguard (see on ch. 9:16), and the shields of brass were now committed into the hands of the chief of the guard. The word for "guard," ras\im, literally means, "runners." It is translated "footmen" in 1 Sam. 22:17, and the phrase in which it appears is rendered "men to run" in 1 Kings 1:5. In each instance the men referred to seem to have belonged to the bodyguard.

13. Strengthened himself. These words indicate Rehoboam's recovery from the results of Shishak's invasion.

One and forty years. Since Solomon reigned 40 years (ch. 9:30), Rehoboam was probably born the year before Solomon came to the throne.

14. Prepared not his heart. These words explain the reason for Rehoboam's iniquities. From this point on, as the various successors to the throne are discussed, the reigns will be characterized as either good or evil (see chs. 14:2; 20:32; 21:6; etc.).

15. Book of Shemaiah. Compare ch. 9:29. Verses 15, 16 constitute the closing formula of Rehoboam's reign. It is typical of the form employed for the ending of the accounts of the reigns of the kings (see chs. 13:22; 14:1; 16:13, 14; 21:1; etc.). The parallel section is 1 Kings 14:29-31.

Ellen G. White Comments

1-16PK 93-96

1 PK 93

2-5PK 94

6-12PK 95

14, 16 PK 9

2 Chronicles Chapter 13

1 Abijah succeeding maketh war against Jeroboam. 4 He declareth the right of his cause. 13 Trusting in God he overcometh Jeroboam. 21 The wives and children of Abijah.

1. Eighteenth year. This verse is almost identical with 1 Kings 15:1. In the books of Kings the account of each reign of the monarchs of both Judah and Israel is regularly begun with a cross synchronism with the year of the monarch then reigning in the neighboring kingdom, but this is the only such synchronism found in Chronicles. It should be noted that Chronicles deals primarily with the nation of Judah, mentioning Israel only incidentally. For the probable meaning of "the eighteenth year of king Jeroboam" see on 1 Kings 15:1.

Abijah. Spelled "Abijam" in Kings (1 Kings 15:1; etc.).

2. Michaiah the daughter of Uriel. The parallel account reads: "Maachah, the daughter of Abishalom" (1 Kings 15:2). According to 2 Chron. 11:20-22 Abijah was the son of "Maachah the daughter of Absalom." It thus seems evident that "Michaiah" is another form of "Maachah." If Maachah was the granddaughter of Absalom, and a daughter of Tamar, who was the daughter of Absalom (see on 1 Kings 15:2), then Uriel of Gibeah must have been the husband of Tamar.

There was war. Compare 1 Kings 15:7, where this war is mentioned in the closing formula of Abijah's reign.

3. Four hundred thousand. Compare the numbers here given with the numbers in David's census, 470,000 men of military age in Judah and 1,100,000 in Israel (1 Chron. 21:5), and with the totals as recorded in 2 Sam. 24:9, of 500,000 fighting men in Judah and 800,000 in Israel.

4. Mount Zemaraim. The exact location of this mountain is not known.

5. Gave the kingdom. Abijah upbraided the people of Israel for their revolt, asserting that they had no right to an independent existence apart from Judah, for God gave the kingdom to David forever.

Covenant of salt. A firm and inviolable compact (see on Num. 18:19).

6. The servant of Solomon. See 1 Kings 11:26-28.

7. Children of Belial. Literally, "sons of worthlessness" (see on Deut. 13:13; Judges 19:22; 1 Kings 21:10).

Young and tenderhearted. In the sense that he was inexperienced. Rehoboam was 41 years of age when he began to reign (ch. 12:13).

8. Kingdom of the Lord. Since the nation of Judah was a continuation of David's kingdom, which had been established by the Lord, Abijah reasoned that resistance against Judah constituted resistance against God.

Golden calves. Abijah derided Israel for venturing to stand up, with only the assistance of the golden calves that Jeroboam had made, against Judah, which had the help of Jehovah.

9. Cast out the priests. See ch. 11:14.

Whosoever cometh. In Israel it was possible for anyone to become a priest, whereas the Lord had ordained that only the descendants of Aaron should officiate in that capacity (see Num. 18:1-7).

10. The Lord is our God. Judah was still formally loyal to the service of God, although Abijah himself was not wholehearted in serving the Lord (1 Kings 15:3).

11. We keep the charge. To engage in the observance of the ritual services of the sanctuary was regarded as keeping the charge of Jehovah (see Lev. 8:35; Num. 3:7; 9:19; 18:3-5). However, truly to keep the charge of the Lord involved not only an outward observance of the services of religion but also an obedience to all the commands of the Lord (see Deut. 11:1; 1 Kings 2:3).

12. Our captain. The comfort and strength that Judah claimed was that God was with them, to fight their battles and direct their ways (see ch. 32:7, 8).

Sounding trumpets. See Num 10:8, 9.

Against the Lord. No man who fights against God can hope ultimately to prosper.

13. An ambushment. Jeroboam relied upon superior tactics, but but Judah put its trust in the Lord. Regardless of the potential success that these tactical moves involved, they could not bring victory against God.

15. Smote Jeroboam. The victory achieved was won not by men but by God. Men, however, were the instruments in the hand of the Lord to carry out His will.

16. Into their hand. Without the help of God the forces of Israel were powerless before the people of Judah. Israel, with its idols and calves of gold, fell into the hands of the people of Judah, who placed their trust in the Lord.

18. Because they relied. The record repeatedly calls attention to the real reason for Judah's success. Man's great need is to recognize his dependence upon the mighty hand of the Lord, and to live and work in such a way that the divine presence can be with him. In the last days the faithful remnant who put their confidence in the Lord will not be ashamed (Dan. 12:1).

19. Beth-el. A city about 11 mi. (17.7 km.) north of Jerusalem. The towns here mentioned did not long remain in the possession of Judah, for according to 1 Kings 15:17-21, Baasha of Israel started to fortify Ramah only a few years later. Ramah was 51/2 mi. (8.8 km.) north of Jerusalem.

Jeshanah. Probably Burj el-IsaÆneh, northwest of Baal-hazor, not far north of Bethel.

Ephrain. This town has thus far not been definitely identified. Some think that it was the NT Ophrah, et\-Taiyibeh, about 5 mi. (8 km.) northeast of Bethel.

20. Struck him. No information is available to indicate the precise nature of the stroke.

21. Waxed mighty. Feeling himself strong and secure after his victory over Jeroboam, Abijah gave himself to luxurious living (see 1 Kings 15:3).

22. Story of the prophet Iddo. Compare ch. 12:15, where a work of Iddo on genealogies is mentioned.

Ellen G. White Comments

19, 20 PK 107

2 Chronicles Chapter 14

1 Asa succeeding destroyeth idolatry. 6 Having peace, he strengtheneth his kingdom with forts and armies. 9 Calling on God, he overthroweth Zerah, and spoileth the Ethiopians.

1. Quiet ten years. Compare v. 6. This point is not mentioned in Kings, where the record simply states that "there was war between Asa and Baasha king of Israel all their days" (1 Kings 15:16). The statement does not mean that there were open hostilities between Israel and Judah throughout Asa's long reign of 41 years (2 Chron. 16:13 cf. 1Kings 15:10; on the reckoning of the reign see Vol. II, p. 137) but that there was no real peace between the two nations.

2. That which was good. The parallel record adds, "as did David his father" (1 Kings 15:11).

3. Took away the altars. This verse presents a picture of the terrible idolatry into which the nation had lapsed since the reign of David. The record of Asa's reformatory movement in 1 Kings 15:12 begins with the statement that "he took away the sodomites out of the land," a revelation of the sad pass to which the nation had come.

High places. Compare 2 Chron. 15:17 and 1 Kings 15:14. The high places removed by Asa were evidently those devoted to the worship of idols, for they are mentioned in that connection. However, Asa either permitted the unauthorized local sanctuaries dedicated to the worship of Jehovah to continue, or, if his campaign was directed against all high places, it was not completely successful, for "the high places were not taken away" (see on 2 Chron. 15:17; 1 Kings 15:14).

Images. Heb. mas\s\eboth, literally, "pillars." These were sacred stones that were common in Palestine in those days and formed part of the corrupt forms of religion native to Palestine. Moses commanded the destruction of the mas\s\eboth (see on Deut. 12:3; 16:22). Some think these "pillars" were phallic emblems.

Groves. Heb. 'asherim, wooden poles, or sacred trees, emblems of the Canaanite goddess of fertility (see on Judges 3:7). The 'asherim are frequently mentioned in connection with the worship of Baal (Judges 6:25, 28). Moses forbade the Israelites to place a "grove" near an altar for the Lord and commanded that such idolatrous emblems be destroyed (see on Deut. 7:5; 16:21).

5. High places. See on v. 3.

Images. Heb. chammanim, a different term from the one translated "images" in v. 3. Chammanim may be from the root chamman, "to be warm." Hence the word has been applied by some to sun pillars; however, the prevailing opinion now seems to be to interpret chammanim as "incense altars" Chammanim occurs also in Lev. 26:30 and Isa. 27:9.

6. Built fenced cities. Compare ch. 11:5-12.

7. Build these cities. A general system of defense is referred to, both in the south against Egypt and in the north against Israel. Asa did all that was in his power to strengthen his kingdom and to prepare for dangers that were certain to threaten, so that his people might not suffer from the aggressions of hostile neighbors.

8. Targets. Large shields (see on 2 Chron. 9:15; 1 Kings 10:16).

Three hundred thousand. Compare ch. 13:3. Probably this was not the size of Asa's standing army but constituted the number of males in the nation, capable of bearing arms, who would be available in case of emergency.

9. Zerah the Ethiopian. As yet we have not been able to identify Zerah from contemporary records. Since there were Cushites in western Arabia and eastern Africa bordering on the Red Sea (see Gen. 10:6), Zerah may have been from that region. He may have had Libyan auxiliary forces in his army, from Egypt, where a Libyan dynasty ruled. Asa had done what he could to build up the national defenses and train an army (2 Chron. 14:6-8). So when Zerah struck, Judah was ready.

A thousand thousand. Some think that this symmetrical number expresses the thought of a very large host in the same way as we today speak of a "myriad" without intending to convey the idea of exactly or even approximately "ten thousand," the literal meaning of the term. Those who hold this opinion point out that a million men would be entirely out of proportion. Be that as it may, Zerah's forces were obviously an overwhelming "multitude" to Asa and his army. See pp. 122, 123.

Mareshah. One of the fortresses that Rehoboam had built (ch. 11:8). It was located in the lowland of Judah, about 25 mi. southwest of Jerusalem.

10. Valley of Zephathah. Northwest of Mareshah is a broad wadi opening up into the Philistine plain. This is probably the region referred to. With the arrival of Asa's forces, Zerah doubtless drew off into the wider expanse of the wadi, where he could make use of his chariots.

11. Cried unto the Lord. Asa had prepared cities of defense and he had a large and well-equipped army. But his trust was not alone in arms or men, but in God. As he faced the enemy, he did so in the name of the Lord and as a representative of God.

Against thee. Facing Zerah in the name of the Lord, Asa felt that his own defeat would be a defeat for the Lord.

12. The Lord smote. The Lord enabled Asa to gain an amazing victory. Judah had powerful enemies, both to the north and to the south. Left to herself she would quickly have succumbed before the superior might of the forces arrayed against her. But with God's help she was invincible. The attack of Zerah was the last serious threat that Judah was to meet from the south. Henceforth her enemies were from the north--first, Assyria under Sennacherib, and then Babylon under Nebuchadnezzar, who brought the nation down in ruin.

13. Gerar. A city about 11 mi. (17.7 km.) southeast of Gaza, on the route to Egypt.

His host. The army of Asa. God's people were instruments in His hands to perform His work.

14. Smote all the cities. These cities around Gerar were Philistine cities. No doubt they had helped Zerah.

The fear of the Lord. When God manifests His mighty power in behalf of His people, a divine fear seizes the enemy, and there is no longer courage or strength to resist (see ch. 17:10).

15. Camels. Gerar was on the border of the southern desert between Palestine and Egypt, and the inhabitants of that region would therefore have many camels (see 1 Sam. 27:9; 30:17).

Ellen G. White Comments

1-15PK 110-112

2-9PK 110

11-13PK 111

2 Chronicles Chapter 15

1 Asa with Judah and many of Israel, moved by the prophecy of Azariah the son of Oded, make a solemn covenant with God. 16 He putteth down Maachah his mother for her idolatry. 18 He bringeth dedicated things into the house of God, and enjoyeth a long peace.

Azariah. This prophet is unknown except from this chapter. The following is peculiar to Chronicles and is an important contribution to the history of Judah. The facts here recorded are of interest in a study of the religious experience of God's people and reveal the great influence of those who have the Lord with them in their works.

2. To meet Asa. Azariah met Asa on his return from his great victory over Zerah the Ethiopian (see ch. 14:9-15).

While ye be with him. Compare James 4:8. Asa had sought God and had done everything he could to walk in His ways and to do His work (2 Chron. 14:11). Thus the Lord was with him in a mighty way to guide and to bless.

Found of you. Compare 2 Chron. 15:4, 15; 33:12, 13; 1 Chron. 28:9; Jer. 29:13; Matt. 7:7.

3. Long season. Verse 3 literally translated reads, "And many days to Israel without the true God and without teaching priest and without law." The passage contains no verb; hence the determination of tense is a matter of interpretation. There is great difference of opinion as to whether this section is a prophecy of the future history of Israel, or whether it is a survey of general Israelitic history of the past, or whether it has specific application to the immediate present, that is, the period since the disruption of the kingdom. The observation of the prophet is true of any of these periods. Compare the apostasies in the time of the judges (Judges 2:11-19; 3:7-10, 12-14; 4:1-3; 6:1-6; 8:33-35; 10:6-9).

Teaching priest. The priests were the religious instructors of the people, teaching them the word of God and the law of the Lord (see Lev. 10:11; Deut. 17:9, 11; 24:8; 33:10; Ezra 7:25; Jer. 18:18; Eze. 44:23).

4. Did turn. When in their straits the people turned to God, He heard their prayers and was gracious to them, delivering them from the hands of their enemies (see Ps. 106:44; 107:6).

6. Nation was destroyed. The LXX may be translated, "And nation shall make war against nation and city against city, because God has confounded them with every affliction" (see Isa. 19:2). A typical example may be drawn from the period of the judges, a time of great unrest and weakness, not only in Palestine, but throughout the Near East. Egypt, which had been a strong power, grew progressively weaker, until a very low ebb was reached during the Twentieth and Twenty-first dynasties, c. 1200-c. 950 B.C. (see Vol. II, pp. 28, 29, 48-50). Forces of disruption were everywhere in evidence, royalty lost its respect, workmen were starving, and general disorder pervaded the land. Assyria had not yet risen to its great power and Babylon was weak (see Vol. II, pp. 55-57). The Hittite empire, which during the early part of this period had been a powerful state, collapsed under the onslaughts of the invading Sea Peoples (see Vol. II, pp. 27, 32-34) and broke up into a large number of petty states. The prophet gives a vivid and remarkably accurate description of the situation that prevailed in the Near East in the latter part of the second millennium b.c., though his description also fits other periods (see on v. 3).

7. Be ye strong therefore. The prophet's counsel was, in effect, "Be strong in the Lord, continue firm in your allegiance to Him, and take courage as you face the future." Azariah was encouraging Asa to continue in the aggressive measures that he had taken against idolatry and in his firm policy in behalf of Judah's national interests.

Shall be rewarded. Having taken such a strong stand for the Lord, Asa would not be forsaken, but would be allowed to reap the reward of his labors.

8. The prophecy of Oded. The Hebrew of this phrase cannot correctly be thus translated, the construction being such as not to allow the use of the preposition "of" to show the relationship between the two nouns. However, without the "of" the sentence is lacking in coherence. Evidently something is missing from the Hebrew text. It seems highly likely that the Alexandrian manuscript of the LXX and the Syriac have preserved the correct reading, for they supply the name "Azariah" (v. 1) so as to support the reading, "the prophecy which Azariah the son of Oded spake."

Abominable idols. Few reformations are ever complete reformations. Asa had put forth earnest efforts to cleanse the land of its abominations, but his work had evidently been only partially successful. Encouraged by the words of Azariah, Asa now renewed his efforts to rid the land of every form of evil.

From mount Ephraim. Compare ch. 17:2. Although Asa had not engaged in open war with Israel, he was strong enough to take from the northern kingdom a number of frontier cities.

Renewed the altar. A similar expression is employed in ch. 24:4 concerning Joash. It would thus appear that the altar had become defiled and was now cleansed and reconsecrated to the Lord.

9. The strangers. These were members of the tribes constituting the northern kingdom. During the reign of Rehoboam a similar influx of citizens of Israel into Judah took place (ch. 11:16).

Out of Simeon. Although Simeon lay within the boundaries of the southern kingdom (Joshua 19:1), many members of this tribe probably took their abode within the territory of Israel at the time of the division.

When they saw. When many of the people of Israel observed that God was with Asa and was blessing him, large numbers came down from the northern kingdom henceforth to live in Judah.

10. Fifteenth year. This gathering at Jerusalem in the 15th year of Asa fixes the victory over Zerah likewise in that year or in the preceding year. If the war with Zerah, the return to Jerusalem, the influx from the northern tribes, and the calling of the assembly at Jerusalem could all have taken place within three months, then the war with Zerah was fought in Asa's 15th year. Otherwise, and more probably, it was in the 14th year.

11. Offered. These large offerings were probably peace offerings in which the people participated in a general feast of rejoicing and thanksgiving to God. Compare 1 Kings 8:63-66, which reports that Solomon offered large numbers of peace offerings at the dedication of the Temple.

12. Into a covenant. This was in effect a solemn renewal of the national covenant entered into between God and His people at Sinai (Ex. 19:5-8; 24:3-8). This covenant was reaffirmed between God and Israel at various times in the history of the Jews, usually following periods of apostasy (see 2 Kings 23:3; 2 Chron. 34:31; Neh. 10:28-39).

With all their heart. Compare Deut. 4:29, where a similar phrase is used.

13. Should be put to death. As the national covenant with Jehovah was renewed, it was determined that the whole nation should be included, and that all who would not take their stand for God should be put to death. In the time of Moses the death penalty was prescribed for those who might be found guilty of "transgressing his covenant" by worshiping any other god (Deut. 17:2-7; cf. Ex. 22:20; Deut. 13:6-10, 12-15).

14. Sware unto the Lord. By a solemn oath the covenant with God was renewed.

16. Maachah. With vs. 16-18 compare 1 Kings 15:13-15. The variations are few and unimportant.

Mother of Asa. Actually the grandmother, for Maachah was the mother of Abijah (see 2 Chron. 11:20; see on 1 Kings 15:10; 1 Chron. 2:7).

Idol. Heb. miphles\eth. This word indicates some horrible idol (see on 1 Kings 15:13).

In a grove. Literally, "for Asherah."

17. Not taken away. Some high places were taken away (ch. 14:3, 5), evidently centers of idol worship. The high places that were allowed to remain were probably unauthorized local sanctuaries for the worship of Jehovah. These may have persisted despite Asa's efforts to eliminate them.

Out of Israel. These words are not found in the parallel passage of 1 Kings 15:14. The southern kingdom is evidently meant, for Asa could hardly have undertaken the task of removing the high places from the northern kingdom.

18. Father had dedicated. Probably items taken from the spoils of Abijah's great victory over Jeroboam (ch. 13:16-19).

That he himself had dedicated. These were presumably part of the booty from the victory over Zerah (ch. 14:13-15). Efforts were no doubt put forth to replace the Temple treasure that had been taken by Shishak during the reign of Rehoboam (ch. 12:9).

19. There was no more war. The word "more" is not in the Hebrew, and the clause simply reads, "there was no war" (see below).

Five and thirtieth year. Presumably the 35th year of the southern kingdom (see on ch. 16:1), which would be the 14th year of Asa's actual reign. In the light of this calculation it would be incorrect to translate the first part of the verse "no more war," since the 14th year probably marked the beginning of hostilities in Asa's reign.